What is Distinctive of Human Thought?
There is a tendency today to see
philosophy as a technical subject in the
sense that it requires specific
technical knowledge or a specific
technique or method like engineering or
chemistry.
It's true that philosophy is sometimes
intricate and it sometimes needs its own
special vocabulary and possibly its own
special machinery, technical machinery.
And always it must be disciplined.
But it remains the case that many of the
questions which we are concerned with
arise out of tensions and puzzles and
mysteries and paradoxes in our thinking
which were simple to understand as they
seem impossible to solve.
So it is I think with the question which
is my concern tonight.
What is the difference between human
thought and the thoughts of other
animals?
The puzzle or mystery here is not hard
to grasp. On the one hand, we believe
that animals do have some kind of inner
life or mental life.
There's something it's like to be a dog
or a chimp or a bat.
But when we reflect on what this might
be like, we draw a blank.
It seems utterly mysterious to us.
What it must be like from the inside.
It's not that we have no idea what
animals are doing when they seem to be
doing things purposefully and it's not
that we have no idea why they're doing
what they're doing. It's just that we
can't envisage or describe to ourselves
or otherwise imagine what it is like for
them.
So it might be thought that my question,
what is distinctive of human thought, is
one that can only be solved by a
scientific inquiry.
In what I'm going to say in a moment, I
will certainly appeal to something that
counts as scientific evidence, but it's
worth pausing to consider for the moment
that we can only consider science here.
How exactly should we proceed if we were
scientists?
Do we scan the brains of apes and humans
and see how they differ? Do we stare at
the few percent of DNA which we do not
share with chimps?
The problem is we have no idea what
we're looking for.
This is one reason I think why we need
the relatively abstract level of
speculation which is characteristic of
um philosophy.
Philosophy, I think, is not a science,
although it is, among other things, a
search for truth about its various
subject matters.
And one thing that distinguishes
philosophy from science is that the
views of the philosophers of the past
can still be relevant to us.
This can be for many reasons, either
because we should take care to avoid
their errors or because we need to get a
sufficient distance from our own
assumptions and realize the contingency
of our own assumptions
or because we want to avoid reinventing
the wheel.
And in this connection, I'd like to
endorse a remark made by, I think, one
of the more underrated Knightbridge
Professors,
C. D. Broad.
Broad said, "It appears to me that the
best preparation for original work on
philosophic problem
is to study the solutions which have
been proposed for it by men of genius
whose views differ from each other as
much as possible. The clash of their
opinions may strike a light which will
enable us to avoid the mistakes into
which they have fallen, and by noticing
the strong and weak points of each
theory, we may discover the direction in
which further progress can be made."
So, let's proceed by taking Broad's
advice and asking what some of the
philosophers of genius have said that's
relevant to our question.
Aristotle begins his Metaphysics with
the famous sentence,
"All men by nature desire to know."
He goes on to say that an indication of
this is the delight we take in our
senses, for even apart from their
usefulness, they are loved for
themselves.
He then contrasts the way other animals
live by appearances and memories, but
the human race lives by art and
reasoning.
Knowledge and understanding belong to
art rather than to experience because
art, not experience, teaches you the why
of things.
I agree with Jonathan Lear when he says
in in his book on Aristotle that when
Aristotle says
that by nature we desire to know, he was
referring to the desire to know for its
own sake.
Lear argues that the urge to
philosophize arises out of such a
desire.
For Aristotle, philosophy begins with
questions and puzzles.
We are led to the pursuit of
explanations for their own sake, both by
our natural makeup, the desire to know,
and because it is part of our nature to
find the world puzzling.
So, this then will be the aim of my
lecture.
To defend Aristotle's view in a certain
interpretation that it's in our nature
to seek knowledge for its own sake.
What do I mean by knowledge for its own
sake?
We can draw a distinction between a
piece of knowledge being valuable
because of some further purpose or good
it might serve, and a piece of knowledge
being something which is an end in
itself.
This is just as we draw a distinction
between something's having value because
it's a means to a further end, and
something which is valuable because it's
an end in itself. Some things must be
ends in themselves if anything is to be
of value at all.
And what applies to value here also
applies to knowledge.
Consider someone interested in learning
about the stars.
We could distinguish someone's having a
purely instrumental interest in the
stars, for example, to aid navigation at
sea, from someone who has an interest in
the stars just for its own sake.
Um, it may be that that
the role of the stars in aiding
navigation was where our interest in the
stars arose from. It may be.
But on the face of it, this kind of
interest in the stars is different from
the interest of someone who simply wants
to know about the constellation of
Orion, or who wants to know how far away
the stars are, or which stars are
brighter than others.
This kind of knowledge is not put at the
service of any practical project, but
it's simply something that's pursued for
its own sake.
There is a way of trivializing the
distinction between what I'm going to
call instrumental knowledge and
knowledge for its own sake.
This would be to say that even in the
case where someone simply wants to look
at the stars, their knowledge is
instrumental because its role is to
satisfy the desires of the agent.
Any agent who wants to know something
has some desires, notably the desire to
know these things, and these desires
would be satisfied by the achievement of
knowledge.
Since the search for knowledge is always
driven by some desire, perhaps all
searches are
if Aristotle is right that thought by
itself moves nothing,
then
this knowledge would be instrumental,
too, in the sense that its role is
simply to satisfy the desire for
knowledge.
I think we can gradually agree that all
knowledge is instrumental in this
anodyne sense,
but if we insist that this is the only
sense in which all knowledge is
instrumental, then we will miss the
distinction which I claim is crucial for
understanding human thought.
The distinction we need, I say, is
between knowledge which is pursued
because of the desire for knowledge on
that subject matter as such, and
knowledge which is pursued because it
will help some aim or purpose distinct
from the desire to know.
Some philosophical accounts of thought
treat all thoughts as instrumental, um
not just philosophical accounts, some
psychological accounts, too.
Thinking about the world must be
explained purely in terms of the
satisfaction of needs, urges, and
desires as distinct from the desire for
knowledge. An extreme example is
evolutionary psychology, which looks for
explanations of human cognitive
capacities as adaptations, that is, as
developments across generations of those
traits which have enhanced the fitness
of a kind of organism.
For the moment, I'd like to look more
closely at one philosophical attempt to
ground all thought on the satisfaction
of desire.
In a famous paper, F.P. Ramsey described
a view he called pragmatism, that
beliefs could be characterized by their
effects in action. Many views have been
called pragmatism, but that's what he
calls it there.
The idea, which later came to be called
functionalism, is that because what we
do is fixed in part by what we believe
and what we want, we should attempt to
understand believing and wanting as
dispositions to act in certain ways.
Ramsey went further and attempt to
define what it is to believe one thing
rather than another in terms of the
actions that they would give rise to in
certain circumstances. And he
illustrated this with the simple example
of a chicken.
He says, "We can say that a chicken
believes a certain sort of caterpillar
to be poisonous and mean by that
merely that it abstains from eating such
caterpillars on account of unpleasant
experiences associated with them,
connected with them, sorry."
And generalizing from this, he defines
the belief in terms of the actions it
would cause, and the content of the
belief, that is what's believed, marked
here by the letter P, in terms of its
utility. He says, "Any set of actions
for whose utility P is a necessary and
sufficient condition might be called a
belief that P, and so would be true if
P, i.e., if they were useful."
Um and that's a very condensed statement
of a view which received further
development in um
in later years.
But I think of it as a um
as a version of the view that
um all thought is instrumental.
Now, Jamie White labeled this view
success semantics, and it's been
defended by a number of philosophers,
including Hugh Mellor here in Cambridge.
Beliefs are often said to be
distinguished by their truth conditions,
the conditions under which they are
true.
So, for example, my belief that the sun
is shining is the belief it is because
the belief is true in just those
conditions in which the sun is shining.
Success semantics says that the truth
conditions of a belief are its success
conditions or the success conditions of
the actions
are based on it.
Where success is understood as the
fulfillment of wants or desires.
So if what I want is to walk to
Grantchester, say, but I only want to do
it if the sun is shining, then my desire
and my belief will cause me to attempt
to achieve that.
The conditions under which the belief is
true are the conditions under which
actions based on it succeed.
It follows that belief, and therefore
thought in my sense, must be defined
instrumentally in terms of possible
success of actions.
Now, I don't want to deny that this kind
of relationship between belief and
desire and action may be the right way
to think of many actions and mental
states, not just the kind that we credit
to chickens, but those to human beings,
too. The relation between the success of
our endeavors, the achievement of our
objectives or goals, and the truth of
our beliefs must be an essential part of
the whole story.
But since it characterizes the truth
conditions of a belief in terms of the
success conditions of a desire
or a want, it owes us an account of the
satisfaction conditions of a desire.
The satisfaction of a desire cannot
simply be the cessation of a desire, as
Russell once said,
uh for a desire can cease even if it's
not satisfied.
Rather, the satisfaction of a desire
must be what is known as its
fulfillment, bringing about a certain
condition.
But if bringing about this condition
cannot be understood except in terms of
the truth of a proposition, then this is
what we were originally trying to
explain.
The problem, I think, is especially
acute when the desires concern desires
to find out something for its own sake.
For in this case, the satisfaction of a
desire just is the acquisition of a true
belief. We're moving around in a very
small circle.
I think success semantics has a lot to
be said for it, but I I whether it's the
whole story, since I doubt whether it
can have anything informative to say
about the pursuit of knowledge for its
own sake.
So, I'll put it to one side here without
having pretended to have refuted it.
So, at this stage it might be objected
that the line of thought I've been
pursuing has ignored the obvious
difference between human and animal
thought, the fact that our thought,
unlike theirs, is expressed in language.
Of course, this is an obvious
difference. Um
I think here we should um Sorry. We
should ignore
um the the evidence
uh from so-called linguistic apes.
Um
For for the for the purposes of this
lecture, I want to ignore this what
according to one recent authority is
mostly anecdotal, lacking in systematic
detail, and often involves
over-interpretation.
In any case, what's uncontroversial is
that we are the only species who develop
language in the course of normal
ontogenetic development.
But, what's the significance of this
difference for our understanding of
thought?
Does language simply make possible a
more complex kind of thought, or is
there some difference of kind that
language provides?
Descartes is famous for having denied
thought to animals, partly on the
grounds that they could not speak.
Descartes' Cambridge contemporary, Henry
More, called this an internecine and
murderous view.
In the 20th century, Donald Davidson,
himself hardly a natural Cartesian,
agreed with Descartes.
Davidson's idea was that to be a thinker
is to be the interpreter of the thought
and speech of another, which essentially
involves employing a language.
So, non-linguistic animals cannot think.
So, why did he think this?
So, Davidson's argument focuses on what
it is to have a belief.
It's based on two assumptions.
First, that in order to have a belief,
one must have the concept of belief.
And second, that to have the concept of
belief, one must have language.
It's very simple argument, but just a
lot of assumptions packed into the
premises.
It's an obvious consequence of this that
any creature which has beliefs must have
a language.
The more detailed line of thought is
that to have the concept of belief
requires mastering the distinction
between how things are and how things
seem.
Davidson argues that language would
suffice for making this distinction and
conjectures that nothing else would make
it. He doesn't claim to have proved that
nothing else would make it, but
conjectures that nothing else would.
So, Davidson's argument is controversial
and it's persuaded few people.
In particular, the premise that one can
only have beliefs if one has the concept
of belief is crucially unsupported. And
without that, there is no reason to
accept his conclusion and no reason to
deny thought to non-linguistic animals.
In the relevant sense, a belief can be a
simple representational state.
A state that just registers a condition
of the environment.
And that's a state which Ramsey's
chicken can certainly have.
We could call the chicken's belief the
belief that caterpillars are poisonous
if we like, but this does not require
that we attribute to the chicken the
concept of poison.
Calling this a belief is just a way of
indicating that the chicken represents
the world in a way that guides its
actions and in a way that can be correct
or incorrect.
In order to have this belief, the
chicken need have no beliefs about its
beliefs.
For example, it need not be surprised if
it eats a caterpillar and does not have
an unpleasant experience.
It need not discover that it was wrong.
It just moves on, updating its
representations accordingly.
Davidson argued that being surprised
requires that one distinguish between
how one previously thought the world was
and how one now discovers it is.
I think Davidson is right about this.
But he's wrong to think that being a
believer requires that one is capable of
surprise.
However,
although I think Davidson's argument
fails, it contains something which gives
us a clue as to how to answer our
question, what does language add to
thought? Or
what kind of thought does language make
possible?
Davidson argued that having the concept
of belief involved making the
distinction between how things seem and
how they are.
This amounts to having the concept of
error.
And it turns out that there is evidence
that although apes can form beliefs
about mental states,
there is no evidence that they have
anything like the concept of error.
In a series of striking experiments,
Brian Hare, Joseph Call, and Michael
Tomasello provided evidence that
chimpanzees can know what other
chimpanzees can see.
Um, now this is this complex series of
experiments, but let me summarize the
basic idea.
Um, the essence of the experiment
involved a dominant and a subservient
chimp and in in two different
situations.
In the first situation, food was placed
excessively in front of the subservient
chimp
um, and in in full view of the dominant
chimp.
The subservient chimp did not move
towards the food.
In the second situation,
an opaque barrier was placed between the
dominant chimp and and the food
um, so that the food could not be seen
by the dominant.
In this case, the subservient chimp took
the food.
The irresistible explanation is that in
the second situation, the subservient
chimp knew that the dominant ape could
not see the food.
Um,
this is one of many many many kinds of
experiments which is particularly
brilliant, I think. Um,
in 1978, David Premack and Guy Woodruff
asked the question, "Does the chimpanzee
have a theory of mind?"
It seems to me that these kinds of
experiments, among others, indicate that
we should give an affirmative answer to
the question. So long as we do not build
too much into the term theory. Having a
theory of mind in this sense is just
having a
a conception or representation of the
mental states of other creatures.
But these experiments also suggest
something about what kind of theory of
mind the chimps have.
The chimps have beliefs about what other
chimps can know or see.
But, and this is the point I'd like to
stress, there's no evidence that they
have any beliefs about what other chimps
believe.
What's the difference?
So the classic test for for testing
what's known as theory of mind in
psychology is known as the false belief
test.
Um, let me give a very simple version of
this this test too, which I'm sure will
be familiar to many people here.
So children are told a story. So this is
testing whether children have the idea
of a mental state in up
up to about age four or five.
Children are told a story illustrated by
dolls or by human experimenters, in
which let's say you've got character A
in the story
put something, say a marble, into a box
in the view of the other character, B.
Character B then leaves the room
and while while character B is out of
the room
A removes the marble and hides it
somewhere else.
When B returns
the child is asked, the child who's been
watching this whole thing is asked
"Where does B think the marble is?"
Above a certain age, about four or
thereabouts, children give the right
answer. That is to say
B thinks the marble is in the box.
B left the room before the marble was
moved. Younger children often answer
that B thinks the marble is where A hid
it.
In short, they have no understanding
that B is in error or has a false belief
about what's going on. That's why it's
called the false belief test.
And And this is This is a This is now a
standard test for whether
often often said whether whether
children have a theory of mind. Uh what
it seems to me to be a test of is
whether children have a conception of
belief.
Um theory of mind can mean other things
that are irrelevant to this particular
um issue.
Now, the interesting thing is that
there's no evidence, as far as I know,
that apes can pass the false belief
test. And there's a lot of evidence that
they can't.
Um
Chimps seem to have beliefs about the
mental states of other chimps, if the if
the Tomasello and Hare experiments are
right.
But they don't pass the false belief
test. So, how should this be explained?
I think that the distinction we need
here is the distinction between
ignorance and error.
The subordinate chimp
in Hare's experiment knew that the
dominant chimp could not see the food.
It was ignorant of this fact.
There's no evidence that they show any
awareness of the mental state of being
correct or incorrect.
The mental states that this experimental
paradigm reveals are what we might call
relational mental states,
knowing, seeing, wanting,
that relate the the um the thinker uh to
things in their environment, and in a
certain sense then cannot be wrong.
Beliefs, on the other hand, are the kind
of things that can be wrong.
But there's no evidence that chimps can
show any awareness of these kind of
states in their um fellow chimps.
So, unlike the chimp's conception, the
child's maturing conception of mind
introduces a representation of error.
What is it to represent someone as being
in error?
At the very least, it involves the
recognition by one creature that the
world is not the way the other creature
represents it as being.
The ability to hold these two
representations in your mind, how the
other represents something and how it
really is, is one of the things I say
that distinguishes human infants from
adult chimps, our nearest relatives.
It's clear that the way mature humans
normally represent others as being
correct or incorrect is in showing
agreement or ascent or by using the
words for these things, correct,
incorrect,
or the words true and false.
But sometimes I think actually only
philosophers use these words, and
philosophers are the sort of people who
will say, "That's false." in a normal
conversation, and people outside
philosophy think this is a This is an
insult because falsity implies some kind
of
uh, you know, some kind of attempt to
deceive or lie, but all the philosophers
mean when they say, "That's false." is
they mean it's not true or I don't
agree. So,
if you ever need to interpret a
philosopher, bear that in mind. Um,
>> [clears throat]
>> But this suggests to me that Davidson
was on the right track to think that
there is a link between having the
concept of belief and having a language.
But the link is this.
It's when a creature that has a language
that it can easily and systematically
represent the beliefs of others as being
correct or incorrect.
Children can do it at the age of four or
five.
Without language, it's very hard to see
how they could do this.
Very hard, I say. I don't say
impossible, but like Davidson, I don't
see any other way at the moment how it
can be done.
The significance of language on this
view of things is not simply that it
allows us to communicate or even that it
allows a more sophisticated kind of
communication, although both these
things are true.
The other extra thing that language
gives us is that it facilitates and
gives us a mechanism to to
the correctness and incorrectness of the
thoughts of others.
So far I've claimed that um
one of the things that distinguishes us
from apes is the fact that we have the
concept of belief and therefore the
concepts of truth and error
and they do not. Um although they do
represent the mental states of others.
I've also claimed that language
facilitates our representation of the
correctness of thoughts of others. I'd
now like to connect this with my earlier
theme of the desire for knowledge for
its own sake.
To want to know something for its own
sake is not to want it because it's true
if because it's true those words
is supposed to be an intelligible answer
to the question why do you want to know
that?
Um my colleague Jane Heal
has put this point very well um when
discussing the idea that the
disinterested search for truth might be
a value in itself.
When someone claims that information on
a certain topic would be a good thing,
one can always ask why do you want to
know that? An intelligible answer will
have to say something about the
particular subject matter. It cannot
simply point back to the fact that the
item in question would be a specimen of
true belief.
But Heal goes on just because being true
can never be an intelligible answer to
the question of why you want to know
something
this does not mean that an intelligible
answer must always be to specify some
practical end or project.
Heal says
to say that an answer to the question
must be forthcoming, the answer to the
question why do you want to know about
that
is not to say that the form of the
answer must involve reference to some
practical project in immediate or
distant contemplation.
Heal here points out the false contrast
between the illusory idea that one might
simply search for truth as such as if
wanting to know something that was true
could be an intelligible justification.
Just because it's true.
And the perfectly correct, but I would
argue essentially limited idea that our
beliefs and desires serve our practical
needs.
There is, as she indicates, a third
option.
One might be interested in the truth
about a certain subject matter for its
own sake.
When one's investigating a subject
matter for its own sake, one is not
pursuing the truth just because it's
true,
but nonetheless, one must think of
oneself as governed by the norm or
standard of getting it right.
The amateur stargazer who plots the
changing positions of the stars over the
year is doing it because of an interest
in the stars, but if asked to reflect on
what he's aiming to do, he should answer
that he wants to find out how things are
up there.
And for a rational animal like our
stargazer, the way to do it is to try
and avoid error.
And if you're going to try and avoid
error, you'd better have the concept of
error in the first place.
We want to avoid error even in the
simplest instrumental cases, of course,
when we wonder whether we are right
about where we left the food or whether
we're right about where the predators
are.
We'd be unable to wonder about these
things if we did not have the concept of
error.
But once we have this concept, it can
govern our thinking about
non-instrumental subject matters, too,
such as our interest in the stars.
If we consciously wonder whether we're
getting it right, then we must be
capable of consciously employing the
concept of error.
My conjecture, then, is that what is
distinctive about human thought is the
ability to pursue what I'll call
epistemic goals, goals in knowledge,
independently of practical ends or the
satisfaction of any desire except the
desire to know.
Human thinkers sometimes pursue
knowledge for its own sake.
If this were true, then it would give a
clear account of the striking difference
I've marked between the thoughts of apes
and the thoughts of humans.
How might one go about testing such a
conjecture?
Of course, conceptual or a priori
arguments and connections are important,
but ultimately one will look for
empirical evidence and actual studies of
animal and human thought and try and
understand them.
Between 2005 and 2008, I was involved in
an interdisciplinary research group on
the origins of what is known as
referential communication. That is,
communication with other animals about
objects in the environment.
Uh this group was actually funded by
those masters of linguistic
communication,
uh the European Union,
as part of their obscurely titled
framework program seven, subheading new
and emerging science and technology,
acronym NEST. And it was a pathfinder
initiative under that uh heading. So,
it's English, Jim, not as we know it.
Um
The other members of this group were
animal psychologists working on dogs,
parrots, dolphins, and our closest
relatives, chimps, bonobos, and
gorillas.
My role in the project was um to clarify
and articulate the central concepts
assumed by many of the psychological
projects, in particular, reference,
communication, intention, and
intentionality.
A classic paradigm of referential
communication in animals is the alarm
calls of vervet monkeys, as revealed in
the pioneering studies of Cheney and
Seyfarth.
Um vervet monkeys in the wild employed
number of distinct calls to indicate to
other monkeys the presence of a
different kind of predator.
The hypothesis that this is referential
communication is the hypothesis that
these animals are communicating not
about their inner states, fear, anger,
or something like that, or trying to
command
other monkeys to do things,
flee, run for it, whatever.
Rather, the monkeys are aiming to inform
other monkeys of something in their
environment, which predator is coming,
so that they will be able to take the
appropriate evasive action. Run up a
tree if it's a leopard, hide under a
bush if it's an eagle, etc.
The evidence for referential
communication among animals is mixed.
One team in the group that I was
involved with went to watch gorillas
in a nature reserve in Africa to study
their gestures.
Uh, they came back after they discovered
after months there that gorillas make
almost no gestures in the wild.
Um,
the attempts to establish that parrots
referentially communicate got similarly
got nowhere. Um,
the extent to which dogs follow the gaze
of humans is still disputed.
But where there was evidence for
referential communication, it generally
conformed to the vervet monkey model.
Communication is geared to specific
immediate goals and very domain-specific
tasks, getting food, avoiding predators,
mating, and so on.
One topic though, which is the
phenomenon of pointing, is of particular
interest to me here.
In the study of non-linguistic
communicative devices, the study of
pointing has unsurprisingly been the
focus of lot of research. Um, they
haven't got a lot to go on. Pointing is
very important.
Among human infants, there are two kinds
of pointing.
Um, infants point when they want
something
or want an adult to give them something,
uh, juice. This is known as imperative
pointing.
But they also point when they want to
share attention with an adult, to draw
their attention to something in their
environment. This is called declarative
pointing. The kind of pointing we might
think of as a child saying, you know,
look at that.
What about animals?
Dogs have a limited understanding of
pointing as we shall see. Uh,
and despite the name of this famous
breed, there's little reason to think
that they really point themselves.
But attempts to discern pointing in apes
has met with mixed success.
There seems to be almost no evidence of
pointing in the wild, although some apes
who have lived with humans occasionally
point imperatively.
But, and this is the interesting fact
for me, um
there's no evidence of declarative
pointing in apes anywhere at any time.
As Michael Tomasello has put it, "No
apes in any kind of environment produce,
either for other apes or for humans,
acts of pointing that serve functions
other than the imperative functions.
Apes never do any anything which can be
understood as, you know, look at this."
What should we conclude from this?
Um well,
as a philosopher I'm going to conclude
things that are much more rational than
psychologists might conclude, but it
seems to me that declarative pointing
>> [snorts]
>> is what one would expect if there were
something like a psychological mechanism
of pure curiosity.
Unlike instrumental pointing,
declarative pointing can manifest a
sheer interest in something with no
especial need for practical upshot.
As Aristotle said, "Not only with a view
to action, but even when we are not
going to do anything, we prefer seeing
to everything else."
I don't know if he's right about that,
but he's right about the fact that even
if we're not going to do anything, we
enjoy seeing.
My tentative conclusion then is that
there's no evidence that non-human
animals ever pursue a purely
intellectual epistemic goal.
Their investigation of the environments
are always for the sake of satisfying
some other immediate goal, for food,
shelter, sex, play, or to engage other
animals in a collaborative pursuit of
some of these goals.
If pursuing a purely intellectual
epistemic goal requires that one have
the concept of error, as I've just
argued, then the absence of the concept
of error would go some way to explaining
why this is so.
What about the evidence for humans?
If my point is that humans have some
capacity which animals don't, everyone
will agree with that in some sense, but
the question is what it is.
Then what would we what we would expect
would be evidence from humans as well as
from other animals.
The evidence for animals points in the
negative direction. The evidence from
humans comes, of course, partly from our
own reflection on our own capacity.
But the further theoretical question is
this, why do we have this capacity?
How did it come about?
Both in the sense how does it develop in
the life of an organism, as well as how
did it come about in the development of
the species.
Uh the developmental psychologist
Gergely and Gergely Csibra have recently
proposed a novel theory of learning in
human infants, which they call natural
pedagogy.
Their extensive experimental work on
prelinguistic infants strongly suggests
that infants have an ability to learn
very quickly what they call generic and
cognitively opaque information.
Information is generic, obviously
enough, when it can be put to more than
one use.
Information is cognitively opaque when
the infants have no idea what the
function or purpose of what is being
communicated is.
They learn to do certain things by
imitation, even when they are learning
something that has no obvious point.
Well-known experiment, for example,
infants learn to turn on a lamp with
their heads by copying the experimenter.
It turns out that the infants copy the
experimenter whether or not the
experimenter's hands are free.
The interpretation is that the infant
does not copy the experimenter only when
the hands are occupied. It simply
copies, according to Gergely and Csibra,
because it has an innate capacity to
recognize an occasion as one in which an
adult is trying to communicate something
to them.
So, infants are naturally sensitive, on
this view, to certain situations as
communication situations, and it's
because of this that they are so fast at
learning by imitating.
It's this hypothesized innate capacity
which Gergely and Csibra also say is an
adaptation. Um
this capacity to recognize these
situations as communication situations
that they call natural pedagogy.
The natural pedagogy hypothesis has a
couple of intriguing connections with
the rather grand thesis I'm trying to
defend in this lecture.
For one thing, nothing like natural
pedagogy has been discovered or
hypothesized in apes, and it's famously
difficult to train apes to do anything
and to do and it takes a very long time
to train them and it's very hard to
train them to do anything generic.
Dogs, who have evolved alongside human
beings, do seem to be sensitive to human
attempts to communicate, as we saw,
by responding to pointing.
For example, and it's interesting that
wolves, even wolves that have been
reared by humans, do not do this.
But the dog's sensitivity to these
situations is limited in a very
interesting way. And um as Pierre Jacob
has nicely put it, in dogs, the
sensitivity to ostensive communicative
signals, that's that's the Gergely and
Csibra idea, seems to be tied to
particular individuals and primarily
hooked to a motivational system whose
goal is to satisfy human orders. It's
not a very elegant sentence, but
expresses exactly what is specific to
the dogs.
The infant's ability to recognize the
communicative intentions is much more
flexible across different contexts, and
the information they learn is often
cognitively opaque. That is, it's not
tied to any particular practical
activity or motivation.
I don't think it's too fanciful to see a
link here to the idea of the search for
knowledge for its own sake. Or maybe it
is too fanciful, but this is my
inaugural lecture, so I'll say it.
Um if Gergely and Csibra are are right,
and human infants have an innate
capacity for the acquisition of
cognitively opaque information, then
could this capacity be the ontogenetic
psychological basis for what I'm
claiming to be distinctively human, the
interest in knowledge for its own sake?
That's my question.
So, I've been attempting to argue that,
in a sense, Aristotle was right.
We do naturally desire to know, and that
we sometimes desire to know things for
their own sake.
We pursue epistemic goals, I've claimed,
independently of their practical
consequences. In itself, this claim
might be obvious enough.
The controversy comes in the claim that
this is distinctively human, and in how
the evidence is supposed to support the
claim.
I've argued that both philosophical
considerations, for example, about what
the concept of belief requires, and
empirical evidence from animals and
humans, support the thesis that the
disinterested search for truth, to use
James' phrase, might be what
distinguishes us from other animals.
Some might say that empirical evidence
can never have any impact on a
philosophical thesis,
and that the only relevant
considerations can be a priori or
conceptual.
It would be easier to evaluate the
suggestion if its defenders were able to
say a little bit more about what
distinguishes the conceptual or the a
priori.
But in any case, it's hard to believe
that what distinguishes us from animals
should be something that can only be
established conceptually.
The approach taken here contrasts also
with one inspired by Wittgenstein,
whose writings have been
taken, whether correctly or not, to
support a kind of quietism or
conservativism about the mind. Nothing
we can learn about the brain or other
animals, in the wild or captivity, can
tell us anything about the nature of our
thought.
I'm opposed both to this Wittgensteinian
view, and to the a priori view.
Since we cannot discern sharp boundaries
between different realms of knowledge,
we should take ideas and evidence from
wherever seems relevant, and it's a
matter of judgment what is relevant.
To borrow the words of a another former
Knightbridge Professor,
if we believe that philosophy might play
an important part in making people think
about what they are doing,
then philosophy should acknowledge its
connections with other ways of
understanding ourselves.
And if it if it insists on not doing so,
it may seem, in every sense, quite
peculiar.
It's in the spirit of these remarks that
I present my proposal [snorts]
to you this evening, and thank you very
much for your attention.
>> [applause]
[applause]
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