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What is Distinctive of Human Thought?

39:111,920 summary words · ~10 min readEnglishTranscribed Jun 27, 2026
Summary

Distinctively human thought is characterized by our unique capacity to pursue purely epistemic goals—seeking knowledge for its own sake—a capacity structurally enabled by our linguistic grasp of the concept of error, which other animals lack.

Understanding this cognitive threshold helps us resist reducing human consciousness to purely instrumental survival mechanisms, while preserving a clear space for objective, non-utilitarian values like scientific curiosity and philosophical wonder.

Section summaries

0:00-3:00

Philosophy's Method and C.D. Broad's Advice

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Tim Crane opens his lecture by challenging the view of philosophy as a purely technical subject like engineering. While it requires discipline and specialized vocabulary, philosophy primarily deals with deep paradoxes—like the nature of animal consciousness—that science alone cannot resolve. He highlights that unlike science, past philosophical views remain vital to avoid reinventing the wheel or falling into dogmatism. He endorses C.D. Broad’s method of studying clashing opinions from historical geniuses to find paths forward, setting up his interdisciplinary investigation.

  • Philosophy excels at framing questions at an abstract level where pure scientific data lacks direction.
  • Studying highly contrasting historical arguments is the best preparation for original philosophical work.

Sets up the methodological framework of the entire lecture and outlines the unique value of philosophical inquiry over pure scientism.

3:00-7:00

Aristotle and the Pursuit of Knowledge for Its Own Sake

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Crane introduces Aristotle's assertion from the Metaphysics that humans naturally desire knowledge for its own sake, contrasting this with animal lives governed by sensory appearances. Using Jonathan Lear's interpretation, Crane argues that philosophical wonder begins with the natural urge to find explanations without any practical, instrumental goal. He illustrates this with the star-gazer example: a navigator studies the stars instrumentally to travel, whereas an amateur astronomer studies them purely for intrinsic interest. Although some philosophers argue that satisfying a desire for knowledge is still technically instrumental, Crane warns that flattening this distinction ignores the core characteristic of human curiosity.

  • Humans are uniquely capable of pursuing knowledge as an end in itself, rather than as a means to an end.
  • Conflating desire satisfaction with instrumental utility trivializes the unique nature of disinterested curiosity.

Introduces the primary conceptual thesis of the lecture: the distinction between instrumental and non-instrumental knowledge.

7:00-12:00

The Limits of Pragmatism and Success Semantics

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This section examines philosophical and psychological attempts to reduce all human thought to instrumental desires, particularly through evolutionary psychology and pragmatism. Crane reviews F.P. Ramsey’s functionalist model, where belief is defined by its behavioral utility (illustrated by a chicken avoiding poisonous caterpillars). He then evaluates 'success semantics,' a theory stating that the truth conditions of a belief are simply the success conditions of the actions based on it. Crane argues that success semantics falls into a circular trap because it cannot coherently define the satisfaction of a desire to know without already presupposing the acquisition of a true belief.

  • Pragmatist success semantics struggles to explain the pursuit of truth for its own sake without circularity.
  • F.P. Ramsey defined belief structurally in terms of behavioral dispositions and utility, as seen in his chicken example.

Highly technical critique of success semantics and functionalism, useful for philosophy of mind specialists but skippable for general conceptual flow.

12:00-16:00

Language, Representation, and Donald Davidson's Error

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Crane addresses the obvious differentiator of human thought: language. He bypasses controversial 'linguistic ape' studies, focusing instead on the conceptual link between language and belief proposed by Descartes and Donald Davidson. Davidson famously argued that non-linguistic animals cannot think because having a belief requires having the concept of belief, which in turn requires language to distinguish between how things seem and how they are. Crane rejects Davidson's extreme view, arguing that Ramsey's chicken can hold simple, non-linguistic representational beliefs without needing to understand the concept of error or surprise. However, Davidson's emphasis on the distinction between appearance and reality provides a crucial clue about what language actually contributes to thought.

  • Donald Davidson's claim that non-linguistic animals cannot think relies on unsupported premises.
  • Animals can possess simple representational states to guide behavior without needing metacognitive concepts like belief or surprise.

Exposes the flaw in traditional linguistic-exclusivist arguments while salvaging the essential connection between language and the concept of error.

16:00-20:00

Chimpanzee Mind-Reading and the False Belief Test

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Crane examines empirical evidence regarding animal theory of mind, focusing on experiments by Tomasello, Hare, and Call. These studies show that subordinate chimpanzees track what dominant chimpanzees can and cannot see to steal food strategically behind barriers. This proves chimps possess a sophisticated representation of other animals' perceptual states. However, Crane contrasts this with the classic developmental 'false belief test' used on human children, where children must identify when another person holds an incorrect representation of reality. While human children pass this test around age four or five, adult chimpanzees consistently fail it, showing they cannot track false beliefs.

  • Chimpanzees possess a basic theory of mind that tracks what others can see and know.
  • Despite their social intelligence, chimpanzees consistently fail the false belief test, indicating they do not track incorrect mental states.

Integrates the core empirical evidence showing where primate social intelligence hits a firm cognitive ceiling.

20:00-23:00

Ignorance vs. Error: What Language Actually Scaffolds

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Crane bridges the empirical data with philosophy of mind by introducing a crucial conceptual distinction: the difference between ignorance and error. Chimpanzees understand ignorance (what another chimp does not see) because it is a relational mental state connecting the animal directly to the environment. In contrast, tracking 'error' requires representing a false belief, which is a structural representational state that can diverge from reality. Crane argues that language is the unique mechanism that allows human children to easily and systematically represent the correctness or incorrectness of another's thoughts. Language does not just enable communication; it provides the cognitive scaffold needed to systematically formulate the concepts of truth and error.

  • Ignorance is a relational state (not seeing), whereas error is a representational state (holding a false belief).
  • Language provides the cognitive mechanism to systematically evaluate and label the thoughts of others as correct or incorrect.

The philosophical climax of the lecture, resolving how language structurally enables the metacognitive concept of error.

23:00-27:00

Disinterested Curiosity and the Norm of Truth

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Crane connects the concept of error back to the Aristotelian theme of seeking knowledge for its own sake. Drawing on Jane Heal's work, he refutes the idea that we can seek 'truth as such' in an abstract vacuum, but confirms we can seek truth about a specific subject matter for its own sake. When an amateur stargazer tracks constellations, they are not driven by survival but are still strictly governed by the norm of 'getting it right.' Crane argues that to consciously avoid error in non-instrumental domains, a rational thinker must possess the concept of error in the first place. Therefore, the ability to pursue epistemic goals independent of practical survival is what truly separates human thought from animal cognition.

  • Disinterested curiosity must still be governed by the normative commitment to avoid error.
  • The concept of error is a prerequisite for pursuing purely non-instrumental, epistemic goals.

Connects the epistemological argument regarding truth and error back to the overarching theme of human distinctiveness.

27:00-33:00

Referential Communication and the Absence of Declarative Pointing

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Crane shares his experience working on a European Union-funded interdisciplinary project (NEST) investigating referential communication in animals. While some animals, like vervet monkeys, use alarm calls to refer to predators, their communication remains highly domain-specific and tied to immediate practical goals. Crane highlights the profound cognitive difference in how humans and animals point. Human infants engage in both 'imperative pointing' (wanting something) and 'declarative pointing' (sharing attention, or saying 'look at that'). While some captive apes can point imperatively, there is zero evidence of any ape pointing declaratively to share attention. This absolute absence of declarative pointing suggests animals lack a psychological mechanism for pure, non-instrumental curiosity.

  • Animal referential communication is highly domain-specific and strictly tied to immediate survival goals.
  • Only humans exhibit declarative pointing, demonstrating an innate drive to share attention and engage in pure curiosity.

Grounds the theoretical claims about disinterested curiosity in clear, behavioral evidence of pointing styles.

33:00-37:00

Natural Pedagogy and the Ontogeny of Human Learning

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Crane explores how this unique human capacity develops, introducing Gergely and Csibra's theory of 'natural pedagogy.' Experiments show human infants have an innate capacity to quickly learn 'cognitively opaque' and generic information by imitation (e.g., mimicking an adult turning on a lamp with their head, even when it has no obvious purpose). While dogs show sensitivity to human communication, their learning is tied to specific individuals and a motivational system to satisfy orders. In contrast, human infants are naturally sensitive to ostensive signals across flexible contexts, acquiring knowledge detached from immediate practical utility. Crane suggests this natural pedagogy acts as the developmental foundation for our adult interest in knowledge for its own sake.

  • Human infants possess an innate capacity for 'natural pedagogy,' allowing them to learn generic, cognitively opaque actions.
  • Unlike humans, a dog's communicative sensitivity is highly restricted to individual human authority figures and instrumental compliance.

Provides the developmental (ontogenetic) puzzle piece, explaining how disinterested knowledge-seeking is built into human infancy.

37:00-39:00

Conclusion: Reclaiming Philosophy's Empirical Connections

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Crane concludes by reiterating his Aristotelian thesis: humans naturally desire to know things for their own sake, and this epistemic drive is supported by both conceptual philosophy and empirical psychology. He defends his interdisciplinary method against conservative a priori philosophers who claim empirical science is irrelevant to conceptual analysis. He also explicitly rejects Wittgensteinian quietism, which maintains that nothing learned about animal brains can inform our understanding of human thought. Crane argues that because the boundaries of knowledge are fluid, philosophy must remain connected to other fields of self-understanding to avoid becoming isolated and eccentric.

  • Philosophy should actively synthesize empirical findings from psychology and neuroscience rather than remaining strictly a priori.
  • Wittgensteinian quietism about the mind mistakenly isolates philosophical analysis from scientific discovery.

Summarizes the final thesis and delivers a powerful methodological defense of interdisciplinary, scientifically-informed philosophy.

Key points

  • The Pursuit of Epistemic Goals for Their Own Sake — Building on Aristotle's assertion that humans naturally desire to know, we can distinguish between instrumental knowledge (used for practical survival) and intrinsic knowledge (pursued purely for its own sake). While some argue that satisfying curiosity is still instrumental, flattening this distinction ignores the non-utilitarian structure of human intellectual life.
  • The Conceptual Divide Between Ignorance and Error — Primate experiments prove that chimpanzees can track what other chimps see or do not see (ignorance), but they consistently fail the false belief test. This indicates they cannot track when another creature holds an incorrect representation of reality (error).
  • Language as a Metacognitive Scaffold — Rather than arguing that language is required for basic thought (as Donald Davidson did), we should see language as the essential tool that allows us to systematically represent, evaluate, and attribute error to the thoughts of others.
  • Natural Pedagogy and Cognitively Opaque Learning — Human infants possess an innate capacity to quickly acquire 'cognitively opaque' and generic information from adults via imitation, even when the action has no obvious practical purpose. This capacity, called natural pedagogy, is absent in apes and highly restricted in domesticated dogs.
The clash of their opinions may strike a light which will enable us to avoid the mistakes into which they have fallen, and by noticing the strong and weak points of each theory, we may discover the direction in which further progress can be made. C. D. Broad (quoted by Tim Crane)
No apes in any kind of environment produce, either for other apes or for humans, acts of pointing that serve functions other than the imperative functions. Michael Tomasello (quoted by Tim Crane)

AI-generated from the transcript. May contain errors.

0:02

There is a tendency today to see

0:04

philosophy as a technical subject in the

0:06

sense that it requires specific

0:09

technical knowledge or a specific

0:10

technique or method like engineering or

0:13

chemistry.

0:15

It's true that philosophy is sometimes

0:17

intricate and it sometimes needs its own

0:19

special vocabulary and possibly its own

0:21

special machinery, technical machinery.

0:25

And always it must be disciplined.

0:27

But it remains the case that many of the

0:29

questions which we are concerned with

0:31

arise out of tensions and puzzles and

0:33

mysteries and paradoxes in our thinking

0:36

which were simple to understand as they

0:38

seem impossible to solve.

0:40

So it is I think with the question which

0:42

is my concern tonight.

0:44

What is the difference between human

0:46

thought and the thoughts of other

0:47

animals?

0:49

The puzzle or mystery here is not hard

0:50

to grasp. On the one hand, we believe

0:53

that animals do have some kind of inner

0:54

life or mental life.

0:56

There's something it's like to be a dog

0:58

or a chimp or a bat.

1:00

But when we reflect on what this might

1:01

be like, we draw a blank.

1:03

It seems utterly mysterious to us.

1:07

What it must be like from the inside.

1:09

It's not that we have no idea what

1:11

animals are doing when they seem to be

1:13

doing things purposefully and it's not

1:15

that we have no idea why they're doing

1:16

what they're doing. It's just that we

1:18

can't envisage or describe to ourselves

1:21

or otherwise imagine what it is like for

1:23

them.

1:26

So it might be thought that my question,

1:28

what is distinctive of human thought, is

1:30

one that can only be solved by a

1:31

scientific inquiry.

1:34

In what I'm going to say in a moment, I

1:35

will certainly appeal to something that

1:36

counts as scientific evidence, but it's

1:38

worth pausing to consider for the moment

1:40

that we can only consider science here.

1:43

How exactly should we proceed if we were

1:45

scientists?

1:46

Do we scan the brains of apes and humans

1:49

and see how they differ? Do we stare at

1:50

the few percent of DNA which we do not

1:53

share with chimps?

1:54

The problem is we have no idea what

1:56

we're looking for.

1:57

This is one reason I think why we need

1:59

the relatively abstract level of

2:00

speculation which is characteristic of

2:03

um philosophy.

2:06

Philosophy, I think, is not a science,

2:07

although it is, among other things, a

2:09

search for truth about its various

2:10

subject matters.

2:12

And one thing that distinguishes

2:13

philosophy from science is that the

2:15

views of the philosophers of the past

2:16

can still be relevant to us.

2:19

This can be for many reasons, either

2:21

because we should take care to avoid

2:22

their errors or because we need to get a

2:24

sufficient distance from our own

2:26

assumptions and realize the contingency

2:28

of our own assumptions

2:30

or because we want to avoid reinventing

2:32

the wheel.

2:34

And in this connection, I'd like to

2:35

endorse a remark made by, I think, one

2:37

of the more underrated Knightbridge

2:39

Professors,

2:40

C. D. Broad.

2:43

Broad said, "It appears to me that the

2:44

best preparation for original work on

2:46

philosophic problem

2:48

is to study the solutions which have

2:49

been proposed for it by men of genius

2:52

whose views differ from each other as

2:53

much as possible. The clash of their

2:55

opinions may strike a light which will

2:57

enable us to avoid the mistakes into

2:59

which they have fallen, and by noticing

3:01

the strong and weak points of each

3:02

theory, we may discover the direction in

3:05

which further progress can be made."

3:08

So, let's proceed by taking Broad's

3:10

advice and asking what some of the

3:11

philosophers of genius have said that's

3:13

relevant to our question.

3:17

Aristotle begins his Metaphysics with

3:20

the famous sentence,

3:22

"All men by nature desire to know."

3:25

He goes on to say that an indication of

3:27

this is the delight we take in our

3:28

senses, for even apart from their

3:30

usefulness, they are loved for

3:31

themselves.

3:33

He then contrasts the way other animals

3:35

live by appearances and memories, but

3:37

the human race lives by art and

3:39

reasoning.

3:40

Knowledge and understanding belong to

3:42

art rather than to experience because

3:43

art, not experience, teaches you the why

3:45

of things.

3:47

I agree with Jonathan Lear when he says

3:49

in in his book on Aristotle that when

3:51

Aristotle says

3:53

that by nature we desire to know, he was

3:55

referring to the desire to know for its

3:57

own sake.

3:58

Lear argues that the urge to

4:00

philosophize arises out of such a

4:02

desire.

4:03

For Aristotle, philosophy begins with

4:05

questions and puzzles.

4:07

We are led to the pursuit of

4:08

explanations for their own sake, both by

4:10

our natural makeup, the desire to know,

4:12

and because it is part of our nature to

4:14

find the world puzzling.

4:17

So, this then will be the aim of my

4:20

lecture.

4:21

To defend Aristotle's view in a certain

4:24

interpretation that it's in our nature

4:26

to seek knowledge for its own sake.

4:30

What do I mean by knowledge for its own

4:32

sake?

4:33

We can draw a distinction between a

4:35

piece of knowledge being valuable

4:37

because of some further purpose or good

4:38

it might serve, and a piece of knowledge

4:40

being something which is an end in

4:41

itself.

4:43

This is just as we draw a distinction

4:45

between something's having value because

4:46

it's a means to a further end, and

4:48

something which is valuable because it's

4:49

an end in itself. Some things must be

4:52

ends in themselves if anything is to be

4:54

of value at all.

4:55

And what applies to value here also

4:57

applies to knowledge.

4:59

Consider someone interested in learning

5:01

about the stars.

5:03

We could distinguish someone's having a

5:05

purely instrumental interest in the

5:07

stars, for example, to aid navigation at

5:09

sea, from someone who has an interest in

5:12

the stars just for its own sake.

5:16

Um, it may be that that

5:18

the role of the stars in aiding

5:20

navigation was where our interest in the

5:22

stars arose from. It may be.

5:24

But on the face of it, this kind of

5:25

interest in the stars is different from

5:27

the interest of someone who simply wants

5:29

to know about the constellation of

5:31

Orion, or who wants to know how far away

5:33

the stars are, or which stars are

5:34

brighter than others.

5:36

This kind of knowledge is not put at the

5:38

service of any practical project, but

5:40

it's simply something that's pursued for

5:42

its own sake.

5:45

There is a way of trivializing the

5:46

distinction between what I'm going to

5:48

call instrumental knowledge and

5:49

knowledge for its own sake.

5:51

This would be to say that even in the

5:52

case where someone simply wants to look

5:54

at the stars, their knowledge is

5:56

instrumental because its role is to

5:58

satisfy the desires of the agent.

6:01

Any agent who wants to know something

6:03

has some desires, notably the desire to

6:05

know these things, and these desires

6:07

would be satisfied by the achievement of

6:09

knowledge.

6:11

Since the search for knowledge is always

6:12

driven by some desire, perhaps all

6:14

searches are

6:16

if Aristotle is right that thought by

6:18

itself moves nothing,

6:20

then

6:21

this knowledge would be instrumental,

6:22

too, in the sense that its role is

6:24

simply to satisfy the desire for

6:25

knowledge.

6:28

I think we can gradually agree that all

6:30

knowledge is instrumental in this

6:31

anodyne sense,

6:33

but if we insist that this is the only

6:35

sense in which all knowledge is

6:36

instrumental, then we will miss the

6:37

distinction which I claim is crucial for

6:40

understanding human thought.

6:42

The distinction we need, I say, is

6:44

between knowledge which is pursued

6:46

because of the desire for knowledge on

6:47

that subject matter as such, and

6:49

knowledge which is pursued because it

6:51

will help some aim or purpose distinct

6:54

from the desire to know.

6:57

Some philosophical accounts of thought

6:59

treat all thoughts as instrumental, um

7:02

not just philosophical accounts, some

7:04

psychological accounts, too.

7:06

Thinking about the world must be

7:07

explained purely in terms of the

7:09

satisfaction of needs, urges, and

7:11

desires as distinct from the desire for

7:13

knowledge. An extreme example is

7:15

evolutionary psychology, which looks for

7:16

explanations of human cognitive

7:18

capacities as adaptations, that is, as

7:21

developments across generations of those

7:23

traits which have enhanced the fitness

7:26

of a kind of organism.

7:31

For the moment, I'd like to look more

7:32

closely at one philosophical attempt to

7:34

ground all thought on the satisfaction

7:36

of desire.

7:39

In a famous paper, F.P. Ramsey described

7:42

a view he called pragmatism, that

7:44

beliefs could be characterized by their

7:45

effects in action. Many views have been

7:47

called pragmatism, but that's what he

7:49

calls it there.

7:51

The idea, which later came to be called

7:53

functionalism, is that because what we

7:55

do is fixed in part by what we believe

7:57

and what we want, we should attempt to

7:59

understand believing and wanting as

8:01

dispositions to act in certain ways.

8:04

Ramsey went further and attempt to

8:06

define what it is to believe one thing

8:08

rather than another in terms of the

8:10

actions that they would give rise to in

8:12

certain circumstances. And he

8:14

illustrated this with the simple example

8:15

of a chicken.

8:19

He says, "We can say that a chicken

8:20

believes a certain sort of caterpillar

8:22

to be poisonous and mean by that

8:26

merely that it abstains from eating such

8:28

caterpillars on account of unpleasant

8:30

experiences associated with them,

8:32

connected with them, sorry."

8:34

And generalizing from this, he defines

8:36

the belief in terms of the actions it

8:38

would cause, and the content of the

8:40

belief, that is what's believed, marked

8:42

here by the letter P, in terms of its

8:44

utility. He says, "Any set of actions

8:47

for whose utility P is a necessary and

8:49

sufficient condition might be called a

8:51

belief that P, and so would be true if

8:53

P, i.e., if they were useful."

8:56

Um and that's a very condensed statement

8:58

of a view which received further

9:00

development in um

9:01

in later years.

9:03

But I think of it as a um

9:06

as a version of the view that

9:08

um all thought is instrumental.

9:12

Now, Jamie White labeled this view

9:14

success semantics, and it's been

9:15

defended by a number of philosophers,

9:17

including Hugh Mellor here in Cambridge.

9:20

Beliefs are often said to be

9:21

distinguished by their truth conditions,

9:23

the conditions under which they are

9:24

true.

9:25

So, for example, my belief that the sun

9:27

is shining is the belief it is because

9:30

the belief is true in just those

9:31

conditions in which the sun is shining.

9:34

Success semantics says that the truth

9:35

conditions of a belief are its success

9:38

conditions or the success conditions of

9:40

the actions

9:41

are based on it.

9:43

Where success is understood as the

9:45

fulfillment of wants or desires.

9:48

So if what I want is to walk to

9:49

Grantchester, say, but I only want to do

9:51

it if the sun is shining, then my desire

9:54

and my belief will cause me to attempt

9:56

to achieve that.

9:58

The conditions under which the belief is

10:00

true are the conditions under which

10:02

actions based on it succeed.

10:04

It follows that belief, and therefore

10:06

thought in my sense, must be defined

10:08

instrumentally in terms of possible

10:09

success of actions.

10:12

Now, I don't want to deny that this kind

10:14

of relationship between belief and

10:16

desire and action may be the right way

10:18

to think of many actions and mental

10:20

states, not just the kind that we credit

10:23

to chickens, but those to human beings,

10:25

too. The relation between the success of

10:28

our endeavors, the achievement of our

10:30

objectives or goals, and the truth of

10:32

our beliefs must be an essential part of

10:33

the whole story.

10:36

But since it characterizes the truth

10:37

conditions of a belief in terms of the

10:39

success conditions of a desire

10:42

or a want, it owes us an account of the

10:44

satisfaction conditions of a desire.

10:47

The satisfaction of a desire cannot

10:48

simply be the cessation of a desire, as

10:50

Russell once said,

10:52

uh for a desire can cease even if it's

10:54

not satisfied.

10:57

Rather, the satisfaction of a desire

10:58

must be what is known as its

11:00

fulfillment, bringing about a certain

11:02

condition.

11:04

But if bringing about this condition

11:05

cannot be understood except in terms of

11:07

the truth of a proposition, then this is

11:09

what we were originally trying to

11:10

explain.

11:12

The problem, I think, is especially

11:14

acute when the desires concern desires

11:16

to find out something for its own sake.

11:18

For in this case, the satisfaction of a

11:20

desire just is the acquisition of a true

11:22

belief. We're moving around in a very

11:24

small circle.

11:27

I think success semantics has a lot to

11:28

be said for it, but I I whether it's the

11:30

whole story, since I doubt whether it

11:32

can have anything informative to say

11:34

about the pursuit of knowledge for its

11:35

own sake.

11:36

So, I'll put it to one side here without

11:38

having pretended to have refuted it.

11:42

So, at this stage it might be objected

11:44

that the line of thought I've been

11:47

pursuing has ignored the obvious

11:49

difference between human and animal

11:51

thought, the fact that our thought,

11:53

unlike theirs, is expressed in language.

11:57

Of course, this is an obvious

11:58

difference. Um

12:00

I think here we should um Sorry. We

12:02

should ignore

12:04

um the the evidence

12:06

uh from so-called linguistic apes.

12:09

Um

12:10

For for the for the purposes of this

12:12

lecture, I want to ignore this what

12:13

according to one recent authority is

12:14

mostly anecdotal, lacking in systematic

12:17

detail, and often involves

12:19

over-interpretation.

12:21

In any case, what's uncontroversial is

12:24

that we are the only species who develop

12:25

language in the course of normal

12:28

ontogenetic development.

12:30

But, what's the significance of this

12:32

difference for our understanding of

12:33

thought?

12:35

Does language simply make possible a

12:37

more complex kind of thought, or is

12:39

there some difference of kind that

12:41

language provides?

12:45

Descartes is famous for having denied

12:48

thought to animals, partly on the

12:49

grounds that they could not speak.

12:51

Descartes' Cambridge contemporary, Henry

12:53

More, called this an internecine and

12:55

murderous view.

12:58

In the 20th century, Donald Davidson,

13:00

himself hardly a natural Cartesian,

13:03

agreed with Descartes.

13:06

Davidson's idea was that to be a thinker

13:09

is to be the interpreter of the thought

13:11

and speech of another, which essentially

13:13

involves employing a language.

13:15

So, non-linguistic animals cannot think.

13:19

So, why did he think this?

13:22

So, Davidson's argument focuses on what

13:24

it is to have a belief.

13:26

It's based on two assumptions.

13:28

First, that in order to have a belief,

13:31

one must have the concept of belief.

13:33

And second, that to have the concept of

13:35

belief, one must have language.

13:38

It's very simple argument, but just a

13:40

lot of assumptions packed into the

13:42

premises.

13:43

It's an obvious consequence of this that

13:45

any creature which has beliefs must have

13:47

a language.

13:49

The more detailed line of thought is

13:51

that to have the concept of belief

13:52

requires mastering the distinction

13:54

between how things are and how things

13:56

seem.

13:57

Davidson argues that language would

13:59

suffice for making this distinction and

14:02

conjectures that nothing else would make

14:04

it. He doesn't claim to have proved that

14:06

nothing else would make it, but

14:07

conjectures that nothing else would.

14:10

So, Davidson's argument is controversial

14:12

and it's persuaded few people.

14:15

In particular, the premise that one can

14:18

only have beliefs if one has the concept

14:20

of belief is crucially unsupported. And

14:23

without that, there is no reason to

14:24

accept his conclusion and no reason to

14:26

deny thought to non-linguistic animals.

14:30

In the relevant sense, a belief can be a

14:31

simple representational state.

14:34

A state that just registers a condition

14:36

of the environment.

14:38

And that's a state which Ramsey's

14:39

chicken can certainly have.

14:42

We could call the chicken's belief the

14:44

belief that caterpillars are poisonous

14:46

if we like, but this does not require

14:47

that we attribute to the chicken the

14:49

concept of poison.

14:51

Calling this a belief is just a way of

14:53

indicating that the chicken represents

14:54

the world in a way that guides its

14:56

actions and in a way that can be correct

14:59

or incorrect.

15:01

In order to have this belief, the

15:03

chicken need have no beliefs about its

15:05

beliefs.

15:07

For example, it need not be surprised if

15:09

it eats a caterpillar and does not have

15:10

an unpleasant experience.

15:13

It need not discover that it was wrong.

15:15

It just moves on, updating its

15:17

representations accordingly.

15:20

Davidson argued that being surprised

15:22

requires that one distinguish between

15:25

how one previously thought the world was

15:27

and how one now discovers it is.

15:30

I think Davidson is right about this.

15:33

But he's wrong to think that being a

15:34

believer requires that one is capable of

15:36

surprise.

15:39

However,

15:40

although I think Davidson's argument

15:42

fails, it contains something which gives

15:44

us a clue as to how to answer our

15:46

question, what does language add to

15:48

thought? Or

15:50

what kind of thought does language make

15:51

possible?

15:53

Davidson argued that having the concept

15:54

of belief involved making the

15:56

distinction between how things seem and

15:58

how they are.

15:59

This amounts to having the concept of

16:00

error.

16:02

And it turns out that there is evidence

16:03

that although apes can form beliefs

16:05

about mental states,

16:07

there is no evidence that they have

16:09

anything like the concept of error.

16:13

In a series of striking experiments,

16:15

Brian Hare, Joseph Call, and Michael

16:18

Tomasello provided evidence that

16:21

chimpanzees can know what other

16:22

chimpanzees can see.

16:26

Um, now this is this complex series of

16:28

experiments, but let me summarize the

16:30

basic idea.

16:32

Um, the essence of the experiment

16:34

involved a dominant and a subservient

16:36

chimp and in in two different

16:38

situations.

16:39

In the first situation, food was placed

16:41

excessively in front of the subservient

16:43

chimp

16:45

um, and in in full view of the dominant

16:47

chimp.

16:49

The subservient chimp did not move

16:50

towards the food.

16:52

In the second situation,

16:54

an opaque barrier was placed between the

16:56

dominant chimp and and the food

17:00

um, so that the food could not be seen

17:02

by the dominant.

17:03

In this case, the subservient chimp took

17:05

the food.

17:06

The irresistible explanation is that in

17:08

the second situation, the subservient

17:10

chimp knew that the dominant ape could

17:13

not see the food.

17:16

Um,

17:17

this is one of many many many kinds of

17:19

experiments which is particularly

17:20

brilliant, I think. Um,

17:22

in 1978, David Premack and Guy Woodruff

17:25

asked the question, "Does the chimpanzee

17:27

have a theory of mind?"

17:29

It seems to me that these kinds of

17:30

experiments, among others, indicate that

17:32

we should give an affirmative answer to

17:34

the question. So long as we do not build

17:36

too much into the term theory. Having a

17:39

theory of mind in this sense is just

17:41

having a

17:42

a conception or representation of the

17:44

mental states of other creatures.

17:47

But these experiments also suggest

17:49

something about what kind of theory of

17:51

mind the chimps have.

17:53

The chimps have beliefs about what other

17:55

chimps can know or see.

17:58

But, and this is the point I'd like to

18:00

stress, there's no evidence that they

18:02

have any beliefs about what other chimps

18:04

believe.

18:05

What's the difference?

18:08

So the classic test for for testing

18:10

what's known as theory of mind in

18:12

psychology is known as the false belief

18:14

test.

18:17

Um, let me give a very simple version of

18:19

this this test too, which I'm sure will

18:20

be familiar to many people here.

18:23

So children are told a story. So this is

18:25

testing whether children have the idea

18:26

of a mental state in up

18:29

up to about age four or five.

18:32

Children are told a story illustrated by

18:33

dolls or by human experimenters, in

18:36

which let's say you've got character A

18:37

in the story

18:39

put something, say a marble, into a box

18:43

in the view of the other character, B.

18:46

Character B then leaves the room

18:49

and while while character B is out of

18:50

the room

18:52

A removes the marble and hides it

18:53

somewhere else.

18:55

When B returns

18:58

the child is asked, the child who's been

18:59

watching this whole thing is asked

19:01

"Where does B think the marble is?"

19:04

Above a certain age, about four or

19:06

thereabouts, children give the right

19:07

answer. That is to say

19:10

B thinks the marble is in the box.

19:13

B left the room before the marble was

19:14

moved. Younger children often answer

19:16

that B thinks the marble is where A hid

19:18

it.

19:19

In short, they have no understanding

19:21

that B is in error or has a false belief

19:25

about what's going on. That's why it's

19:26

called the false belief test.

19:29

And And this is This is a This is now a

19:31

standard test for whether

19:34

often often said whether whether

19:36

children have a theory of mind. Uh what

19:38

it seems to me to be a test of is

19:40

whether children have a conception of

19:41

belief.

19:43

Um theory of mind can mean other things

19:45

that are irrelevant to this particular

19:47

um issue.

19:50

Now, the interesting thing is that

19:51

there's no evidence, as far as I know,

19:53

that apes can pass the false belief

19:54

test. And there's a lot of evidence that

19:56

they can't.

19:57

Um

19:58

Chimps seem to have beliefs about the

20:00

mental states of other chimps, if the if

20:02

the Tomasello and Hare experiments are

20:04

right.

20:05

But they don't pass the false belief

20:07

test. So, how should this be explained?

20:10

I think that the distinction we need

20:11

here is the distinction between

20:13

ignorance and error.

20:15

The subordinate chimp

20:17

in Hare's experiment knew that the

20:19

dominant chimp could not see the food.

20:21

It was ignorant of this fact.

20:24

There's no evidence that they show any

20:25

awareness of the mental state of being

20:27

correct or incorrect.

20:29

The mental states that this experimental

20:31

paradigm reveals are what we might call

20:34

relational mental states,

20:37

knowing, seeing, wanting,

20:40

that relate the the um the thinker uh to

20:44

things in their environment, and in a

20:45

certain sense then cannot be wrong.

20:48

Beliefs, on the other hand, are the kind

20:50

of things that can be wrong.

20:52

But there's no evidence that chimps can

20:54

show any awareness of these kind of

20:55

states in their um fellow chimps.

21:00

So, unlike the chimp's conception, the

21:02

child's maturing conception of mind

21:04

introduces a representation of error.

21:08

What is it to represent someone as being

21:10

in error?

21:12

At the very least, it involves the

21:13

recognition by one creature that the

21:15

world is not the way the other creature

21:17

represents it as being.

21:19

The ability to hold these two

21:20

representations in your mind, how the

21:22

other represents something and how it

21:24

really is, is one of the things I say

21:26

that distinguishes human infants from

21:28

adult chimps, our nearest relatives.

21:32

It's clear that the way mature humans

21:34

normally represent others as being

21:36

correct or incorrect is in showing

21:38

agreement or ascent or by using the

21:40

words for these things, correct,

21:41

incorrect,

21:43

or the words true and false.

21:46

But sometimes I think actually only

21:47

philosophers use these words, and

21:48

philosophers are the sort of people who

21:49

will say, "That's false." in a normal

21:51

conversation, and people outside

21:53

philosophy think this is a This is an

21:55

insult because falsity implies some kind

21:58

of

21:59

uh, you know, some kind of attempt to

22:00

deceive or lie, but all the philosophers

22:03

mean when they say, "That's false." is

22:04

they mean it's not true or I don't

22:06

agree. So,

22:08

if you ever need to interpret a

22:09

philosopher, bear that in mind. Um,

22:12

>> [clears throat]

22:13

>> But this suggests to me that Davidson

22:15

was on the right track to think that

22:16

there is a link between having the

22:17

concept of belief and having a language.

22:20

But the link is this.

22:22

It's when a creature that has a language

22:23

that it can easily and systematically

22:25

represent the beliefs of others as being

22:27

correct or incorrect.

22:29

Children can do it at the age of four or

22:30

five.

22:31

Without language, it's very hard to see

22:33

how they could do this.

22:35

Very hard, I say. I don't say

22:37

impossible, but like Davidson, I don't

22:39

see any other way at the moment how it

22:41

can be done.

22:44

The significance of language on this

22:45

view of things is not simply that it

22:47

allows us to communicate or even that it

22:49

allows a more sophisticated kind of

22:52

communication, although both these

22:54

things are true.

22:55

The other extra thing that language

22:56

gives us is that it facilitates and

22:58

gives us a mechanism to to

23:00

the correctness and incorrectness of the

23:02

thoughts of others.

23:07

So far I've claimed that um

23:09

one of the things that distinguishes us

23:10

from apes is the fact that we have the

23:12

concept of belief and therefore the

23:14

concepts of truth and error

23:16

and they do not. Um although they do

23:19

represent the mental states of others.

23:22

I've also claimed that language

23:23

facilitates our representation of the

23:25

correctness of thoughts of others. I'd

23:27

now like to connect this with my earlier

23:29

theme of the desire for knowledge for

23:30

its own sake.

23:34

To want to know something for its own

23:35

sake is not to want it because it's true

23:38

if because it's true those words

23:41

is supposed to be an intelligible answer

23:43

to the question why do you want to know

23:44

that?

23:46

Um my colleague Jane Heal

23:48

has put this point very well um when

23:50

discussing the idea that the

23:52

disinterested search for truth might be

23:54

a value in itself.

23:56

When someone claims that information on

23:58

a certain topic would be a good thing,

24:00

one can always ask why do you want to

24:01

know that? An intelligible answer will

24:03

have to say something about the

24:05

particular subject matter. It cannot

24:07

simply point back to the fact that the

24:09

item in question would be a specimen of

24:11

true belief.

24:14

But Heal goes on just because being true

24:17

can never be an intelligible answer to

24:18

the question of why you want to know

24:20

something

24:21

this does not mean that an intelligible

24:22

answer must always be to specify some

24:24

practical end or project.

24:27

Heal says

24:29

to say that an answer to the question

24:31

must be forthcoming, the answer to the

24:32

question why do you want to know about

24:34

that

24:35

is not to say that the form of the

24:36

answer must involve reference to some

24:38

practical project in immediate or

24:40

distant contemplation.

24:43

Heal here points out the false contrast

24:45

between the illusory idea that one might

24:47

simply search for truth as such as if

24:49

wanting to know something that was true

24:51

could be an intelligible justification.

24:54

Just because it's true.

24:56

And the perfectly correct, but I would

24:58

argue essentially limited idea that our

25:00

beliefs and desires serve our practical

25:01

needs.

25:03

There is, as she indicates, a third

25:04

option.

25:06

One might be interested in the truth

25:07

about a certain subject matter for its

25:09

own sake.

25:10

When one's investigating a subject

25:12

matter for its own sake, one is not

25:14

pursuing the truth just because it's

25:15

true,

25:16

but nonetheless, one must think of

25:18

oneself as governed by the norm or

25:20

standard of getting it right.

25:23

The amateur stargazer who plots the

25:25

changing positions of the stars over the

25:26

year is doing it because of an interest

25:28

in the stars, but if asked to reflect on

25:31

what he's aiming to do, he should answer

25:32

that he wants to find out how things are

25:34

up there.

25:36

And for a rational animal like our

25:37

stargazer, the way to do it is to try

25:39

and avoid error.

25:41

And if you're going to try and avoid

25:42

error, you'd better have the concept of

25:44

error in the first place.

25:47

We want to avoid error even in the

25:48

simplest instrumental cases, of course,

25:50

when we wonder whether we are right

25:52

about where we left the food or whether

25:54

we're right about where the predators

25:56

are.

25:58

We'd be unable to wonder about these

25:59

things if we did not have the concept of

26:01

error.

26:02

But once we have this concept, it can

26:04

govern our thinking about

26:05

non-instrumental subject matters, too,

26:07

such as our interest in the stars.

26:09

If we consciously wonder whether we're

26:11

getting it right, then we must be

26:13

capable of consciously employing the

26:14

concept of error.

26:17

My conjecture, then, is that what is

26:19

distinctive about human thought is the

26:21

ability to pursue what I'll call

26:23

epistemic goals, goals in knowledge,

26:25

independently of practical ends or the

26:27

satisfaction of any desire except the

26:29

desire to know.

26:31

Human thinkers sometimes pursue

26:33

knowledge for its own sake.

26:35

If this were true, then it would give a

26:37

clear account of the striking difference

26:39

I've marked between the thoughts of apes

26:41

and the thoughts of humans.

26:46

How might one go about testing such a

26:48

conjecture?

26:49

Of course, conceptual or a priori

26:51

arguments and connections are important,

26:54

but ultimately one will look for

26:55

empirical evidence and actual studies of

26:57

animal and human thought and try and

26:59

understand them.

27:02

Between 2005 and 2008, I was involved in

27:05

an interdisciplinary research group on

27:08

the origins of what is known as

27:09

referential communication. That is,

27:12

communication with other animals about

27:14

objects in the environment.

27:16

Uh this group was actually funded by

27:18

those masters of linguistic

27:20

communication,

27:21

uh the European Union,

27:23

as part of their obscurely titled

27:25

framework program seven, subheading new

27:28

and emerging science and technology,

27:30

acronym NEST. And it was a pathfinder

27:32

initiative under that uh heading. So,

27:35

it's English, Jim, not as we know it.

27:37

Um

27:39

The other members of this group were

27:40

animal psychologists working on dogs,

27:42

parrots, dolphins, and our closest

27:44

relatives, chimps, bonobos, and

27:47

gorillas.

27:49

My role in the project was um to clarify

27:52

and articulate the central concepts

27:53

assumed by many of the psychological

27:55

projects, in particular, reference,

27:57

communication, intention, and

27:59

intentionality.

28:03

A classic paradigm of referential

28:05

communication in animals is the alarm

28:07

calls of vervet monkeys, as revealed in

28:10

the pioneering studies of Cheney and

28:11

Seyfarth.

28:13

Um vervet monkeys in the wild employed

28:15

number of distinct calls to indicate to

28:17

other monkeys the presence of a

28:19

different kind of predator.

28:21

The hypothesis that this is referential

28:23

communication is the hypothesis that

28:25

these animals are communicating not

28:27

about their inner states, fear, anger,

28:29

or something like that, or trying to

28:30

command

28:32

other monkeys to do things,

28:34

flee, run for it, whatever.

28:37

Rather, the monkeys are aiming to inform

28:39

other monkeys of something in their

28:40

environment, which predator is coming,

28:43

so that they will be able to take the

28:45

appropriate evasive action. Run up a

28:47

tree if it's a leopard, hide under a

28:49

bush if it's an eagle, etc.

28:54

The evidence for referential

28:55

communication among animals is mixed.

28:59

One team in the group that I was

29:01

involved with went to watch gorillas

29:03

in a nature reserve in Africa to study

29:05

their gestures.

29:07

Uh, they came back after they discovered

29:09

after months there that gorillas make

29:11

almost no gestures in the wild.

29:14

Um,

29:16

the attempts to establish that parrots

29:17

referentially communicate got similarly

29:19

got nowhere. Um,

29:22

the extent to which dogs follow the gaze

29:24

of humans is still disputed.

29:26

But where there was evidence for

29:28

referential communication, it generally

29:29

conformed to the vervet monkey model.

29:32

Communication is geared to specific

29:34

immediate goals and very domain-specific

29:37

tasks, getting food, avoiding predators,

29:39

mating, and so on.

29:42

One topic though, which is the

29:44

phenomenon of pointing, is of particular

29:47

interest to me here.

29:49

In the study of non-linguistic

29:50

communicative devices, the study of

29:52

pointing has unsurprisingly been the

29:54

focus of lot of research. Um, they

29:57

haven't got a lot to go on. Pointing is

29:58

very important.

30:00

Among human infants, there are two kinds

30:02

of pointing.

30:03

Um, infants point when they want

30:05

something

30:07

or want an adult to give them something,

30:09

uh, juice. This is known as imperative

30:11

pointing.

30:13

But they also point when they want to

30:15

share attention with an adult, to draw

30:17

their attention to something in their

30:18

environment. This is called declarative

30:21

pointing. The kind of pointing we might

30:23

think of as a child saying, you know,

30:25

look at that.

30:28

What about animals?

30:30

Dogs have a limited understanding of

30:32

pointing as we shall see. Uh,

30:34

and despite the name of this famous

30:36

breed, there's little reason to think

30:38

that they really point themselves.

30:41

But attempts to discern pointing in apes

30:43

has met with mixed success.

30:45

There seems to be almost no evidence of

30:48

pointing in the wild, although some apes

30:50

who have lived with humans occasionally

30:52

point imperatively.

30:54

But, and this is the interesting fact

30:55

for me, um

30:57

there's no evidence of declarative

30:59

pointing in apes anywhere at any time.

31:03

As Michael Tomasello has put it, "No

31:06

apes in any kind of environment produce,

31:08

either for other apes or for humans,

31:10

acts of pointing that serve functions

31:13

other than the imperative functions.

31:15

Apes never do any anything which can be

31:17

understood as, you know, look at this."

31:22

What should we conclude from this?

31:24

Um well,

31:26

as a philosopher I'm going to conclude

31:27

things that are much more rational than

31:28

psychologists might conclude, but it

31:30

seems to me that declarative pointing

31:32

>> [snorts]

31:33

>> is what one would expect if there were

31:35

something like a psychological mechanism

31:38

of pure curiosity.

31:40

Unlike instrumental pointing,

31:42

declarative pointing can manifest a

31:44

sheer interest in something with no

31:45

especial need for practical upshot.

31:48

As Aristotle said, "Not only with a view

31:50

to action, but even when we are not

31:52

going to do anything, we prefer seeing

31:54

to everything else."

31:56

I don't know if he's right about that,

31:57

but he's right about the fact that even

31:59

if we're not going to do anything, we

32:00

enjoy seeing.

32:02

My tentative conclusion then is that

32:04

there's no evidence that non-human

32:06

animals ever pursue a purely

32:08

intellectual epistemic goal.

32:12

Their investigation of the environments

32:13

are always for the sake of satisfying

32:15

some other immediate goal, for food,

32:17

shelter, sex, play, or to engage other

32:20

animals in a collaborative pursuit of

32:22

some of these goals.

32:23

If pursuing a purely intellectual

32:25

epistemic goal requires that one have

32:27

the concept of error, as I've just

32:29

argued, then the absence of the concept

32:31

of error would go some way to explaining

32:33

why this is so.

32:36

What about the evidence for humans?

32:38

If my point is that humans have some

32:40

capacity which animals don't, everyone

32:42

will agree with that in some sense, but

32:43

the question is what it is.

32:45

Then what would we what we would expect

32:47

would be evidence from humans as well as

32:49

from other animals.

32:51

The evidence for animals points in the

32:53

negative direction. The evidence from

32:54

humans comes, of course, partly from our

32:57

own reflection on our own capacity.

33:00

But the further theoretical question is

33:02

this, why do we have this capacity?

33:04

How did it come about?

33:06

Both in the sense how does it develop in

33:08

the life of an organism, as well as how

33:11

did it come about in the development of

33:12

the species.

33:16

Uh the developmental psychologist

33:17

Gergely and Gergely Csibra have recently

33:20

proposed a novel theory of learning in

33:22

human infants, which they call natural

33:24

pedagogy.

33:27

Their extensive experimental work on

33:28

prelinguistic infants strongly suggests

33:30

that infants have an ability to learn

33:32

very quickly what they call generic and

33:35

cognitively opaque information.

33:38

Information is generic, obviously

33:40

enough, when it can be put to more than

33:42

one use.

33:43

Information is cognitively opaque when

33:45

the infants have no idea what the

33:47

function or purpose of what is being

33:49

communicated is.

33:52

They learn to do certain things by

33:53

imitation, even when they are learning

33:55

something that has no obvious point.

33:58

Well-known experiment, for example,

33:59

infants learn to turn on a lamp with

34:01

their heads by copying the experimenter.

34:04

It turns out that the infants copy the

34:05

experimenter whether or not the

34:06

experimenter's hands are free.

34:09

The interpretation is that the infant

34:10

does not copy the experimenter only when

34:11

the hands are occupied. It simply

34:13

copies, according to Gergely and Csibra,

34:16

because it has an innate capacity to

34:18

recognize an occasion as one in which an

34:20

adult is trying to communicate something

34:22

to them.

34:23

So, infants are naturally sensitive, on

34:25

this view, to certain situations as

34:28

communication situations, and it's

34:30

because of this that they are so fast at

34:32

learning by imitating.

34:34

It's this hypothesized innate capacity

34:38

which Gergely and Csibra also say is an

34:40

adaptation. Um

34:42

this capacity to recognize these

34:44

situations as communication situations

34:46

that they call natural pedagogy.

34:50

The natural pedagogy hypothesis has a

34:52

couple of intriguing connections with

34:54

the rather grand thesis I'm trying to

34:55

defend in this lecture.

34:58

For one thing, nothing like natural

35:01

pedagogy has been discovered or

35:02

hypothesized in apes, and it's famously

35:04

difficult to train apes to do anything

35:07

and to do and it takes a very long time

35:09

to train them and it's very hard to

35:10

train them to do anything generic.

35:13

Dogs, who have evolved alongside human

35:15

beings, do seem to be sensitive to human

35:17

attempts to communicate, as we saw,

35:20

by responding to pointing.

35:23

For example, and it's interesting that

35:24

wolves, even wolves that have been

35:26

reared by humans, do not do this.

35:30

But the dog's sensitivity to these

35:31

situations is limited in a very

35:33

interesting way. And um as Pierre Jacob

35:37

has nicely put it, in dogs, the

35:40

sensitivity to ostensive communicative

35:42

signals, that's that's the Gergely and

35:43

Csibra idea, seems to be tied to

35:46

particular individuals and primarily

35:48

hooked to a motivational system whose

35:50

goal is to satisfy human orders. It's

35:53

not a very elegant sentence, but

35:54

expresses exactly what is specific to

35:57

the dogs.

35:58

The infant's ability to recognize the

36:00

communicative intentions is much more

36:02

flexible across different contexts, and

36:04

the information they learn is often

36:06

cognitively opaque. That is, it's not

36:09

tied to any particular practical

36:11

activity or motivation.

36:14

I don't think it's too fanciful to see a

36:16

link here to the idea of the search for

36:18

knowledge for its own sake. Or maybe it

36:20

is too fanciful, but this is my

36:22

inaugural lecture, so I'll say it.

36:24

Um if Gergely and Csibra are are right,

36:27

and human infants have an innate

36:29

capacity for the acquisition of

36:30

cognitively opaque information, then

36:32

could this capacity be the ontogenetic

36:35

psychological basis for what I'm

36:36

claiming to be distinctively human, the

36:39

interest in knowledge for its own sake?

36:41

That's my question.

36:44

So, I've been attempting to argue that,

36:46

in a sense, Aristotle was right.

36:49

We do naturally desire to know, and that

36:51

we sometimes desire to know things for

36:52

their own sake.

36:54

We pursue epistemic goals, I've claimed,

36:56

independently of their practical

36:57

consequences. In itself, this claim

37:00

might be obvious enough.

37:02

The controversy comes in the claim that

37:04

this is distinctively human, and in how

37:06

the evidence is supposed to support the

37:08

claim.

37:10

I've argued that both philosophical

37:11

considerations, for example, about what

37:13

the concept of belief requires, and

37:15

empirical evidence from animals and

37:17

humans, support the thesis that the

37:19

disinterested search for truth, to use

37:21

James' phrase, might be what

37:23

distinguishes us from other animals.

37:28

Some might say that empirical evidence

37:30

can never have any impact on a

37:32

philosophical thesis,

37:34

and that the only relevant

37:35

considerations can be a priori or

37:37

conceptual.

37:39

It would be easier to evaluate the

37:40

suggestion if its defenders were able to

37:42

say a little bit more about what

37:43

distinguishes the conceptual or the a

37:45

priori.

37:47

But in any case, it's hard to believe

37:49

that what distinguishes us from animals

37:51

should be something that can only be

37:52

established conceptually.

37:55

The approach taken here contrasts also

37:57

with one inspired by Wittgenstein,

38:00

whose writings have been

38:02

taken, whether correctly or not, to

38:06

support a kind of quietism or

38:07

conservativism about the mind. Nothing

38:10

we can learn about the brain or other

38:11

animals, in the wild or captivity, can

38:14

tell us anything about the nature of our

38:15

thought.

38:17

I'm opposed both to this Wittgensteinian

38:19

view, and to the a priori view.

38:22

Since we cannot discern sharp boundaries

38:24

between different realms of knowledge,

38:26

we should take ideas and evidence from

38:28

wherever seems relevant, and it's a

38:30

matter of judgment what is relevant.

38:33

To borrow the words of a another former

38:35

Knightbridge Professor,

38:37

if we believe that philosophy might play

38:39

an important part in making people think

38:41

about what they are doing,

38:42

then philosophy should acknowledge its

38:44

connections with other ways of

38:45

understanding ourselves.

38:47

And if it if it insists on not doing so,

38:50

it may seem, in every sense, quite

38:52

peculiar.

38:53

It's in the spirit of these remarks that

38:55

I present my proposal [snorts]

38:57

to you this evening, and thank you very

38:58

much for your attention.

39:03

>> [applause]

39:08

[applause]

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