Aula Do Professor Nilo Batista - Estudo De Caso : O Julgamento De Olga Sueli Dantas - Parte I
Hey, Professor Nilo is acting like Guilherme
Calmão, starting his class at 9 o'clock sharp
. Okay, just to remind you that this
, well, this is actually a course,
right? The case study course is a
case study module that will be
given within the specialization course
in criminal law, right? A
postgraduate specialization course that we offer
at ERERGE, a partnership between UERGE and
OABRJ. whose coordinator is Professor
Nilo Batista, the academic coordinator, and
we are the executive coordinators, myself,
Rafael Fagundes, and Diogo Flora, right? The
course is about to enter its fourth
edition, right? We will have some
students attending in person today, and
others online. So, the idea
is that, in fact, this class doesn't
fit within our project.
All good? Well, we're going to have
a class here today with Professor Nilo Batista. For
those who don't know him, Professor Nelo
Batista... yeah, just kidding. Yeah, so he's
going to, he's going to teach two classes here with
us. We'll have a break
around 10:30, right, professor,
to get some water and coffee. Then we'll return
to the final stage. It's a
great pleasure to have you all here. We are
very happy. This course is part
of a project started by
Professor Nilo, actually, a few
decades ago, which we have resumed, right?
I, Fagundes, and Diogo Flora recently got back together
. The idea is to have a
postgraduate program that integrates, you know,
mainly young lawyers into
the legal market, starting from
practical notions of the
professional activity. That's the idea behind this
course, that's the idea behind this subject.
I'm sure
you'll have a great pleasure watching this class today.
Just a reminder that
I can speak starting at 11:00 AM, right, professor?
Can I say this? Starting at 11 o'clock, there
will be—by the way, the book that, you see
, folks, the lesson you're going to have
today—has already been turned into a book, has
n't it? It just so happens that the book was finished
yesterday, a very thin book was finished
yesterday. So, at 11 am the
publisher will be here and anyone who
wants to buy it will be able to get the Lumenures copy.
The book will be available here,
in a completely unprecedented way. I don't think
even Professor Danilo has seen the finished book yet
, right? It was finished overnight
, and they're bringing it here today for
anyone who wants to buy it, okay? Hey, just don't
ask Professor Nilo to sign autographs
because he'll be tired by the end of the day,
and he'll take photos and sign
autographs for you at other times, okay? So that's
it, enjoy the lesson. Professor,
thank you for your availability
, your presence, and for the inspiration you
are to our
legal profession. It is a great pleasure for us to
have you here. I'm sure it
will be a delight.
Well,
thank you very much. I'm the one who should thank
Rafael Borges, Rafael Fagundes, and
Diogo, who isn't here right now, for
maintaining and carrying on
this course, which is so important. It is
possible to teach criminal advocacy
alongside criminal law,
criminal procedure, judicial organization,
notions of logic and rhetoric, and
forensic language. It's possible. And this
course has
had this ambition ever since it was first conceived, actually a few decades ago, let's not say how many. I
also thank the school principal for the
use of the space. I thank the martyrs
who came here to bring human warmth,
not to mention the recording of a class, or rather,
two classes that make up a course, that are
part of a course. There is a
subject in the course called
case studies.
And this is a case study.
Case studies are a learning system in
law, right? In some law schools,
especially in the
Commodore regime, the CAS System is a
very widely applied methodology, right? It's
always an inductive method, right, where
you start from a particular and arrive at
general principles. In our case, ah, you'll see
the richness of this method, because from this
judgment we harvested five fruits, or
rather, five provocations waiting for
one of you to develop one of
them.
The case we're going to study: the
crime occurred in 1949,
the last trial was in 1951,
right?
The last session of the second jury, since
the first one had been dismissed by the Court of
Justice,
was on November 6, 1951. I just want to
start by saying who was
participating. There was a judge there,
Nestor Perlingeiro, who, incidentally, came from
a traditional family of magistrates
in the old province. The
public prosecutor was
Renê Destre, but the lawyers for the
prosecution were simply
Evando Lins Silva, who, true to the good
advice of always having
a colleague from the jury community as a representative in jury trials, followed his advice.
The crime took place in Duque de Caxias in '49.
He put a lawyer there, Tenório
Cavalcante,
who did some things that you're already
aware of. And when he was defiantly
sent to Niterói, it was with the help of
Cruz, who would later become president of the
old province's branch.
In the defense tribune we had Flores da
Cunha, Getúlio Vargas's interventor in
Rio Grande do Sul in 1930, a member of the Constituent Assembly in 1946, and a
congressman at that time. We had
Getúlio de Moura, a leader of the
1930 revolution in the Baixada Fluminense region, and also the
political mentor of Tenório Cavalcante.
This isn't in the text, but it's the
historical truth.
And he's a very skilled lawyer, as we
shall see. And Romero Neto. Romero Neto,
who had also been elected deputy in 1950
. Getúlio de Moura had been a member of the
Constituent Assembly in 1946
and was a congressman at that time. In the
defense tribune, all three were deputies.
In the prosecution's booth, Evand wasn't a
congressman yet, but he was going to be everything you
know he was. Chancellor,
Supreme Court Justice, Attorney General of the Republic
for a short period, and Justice of the
Supreme Federal Court. I say this so
you understand how
rhetoric books always link
forensic eloquence to political eloquence,
as opposed to sacred eloquence. This
occupies a different space, but
political eloquence, and of course, there's that thing about
representation,
right, which the lawyer,
well, has in common with the deputy or
senator: representation.
He's standing in front of a door, he's standing in
front of a counter, but he's not there
for his own self-interest, he's representing
someone. And this is a political fact that
is meticulously studied in political science
; it's representation, you know, that the
legal profession shares with politics.
Okay, so let's give a brief
overview, a summary of the case, and we
'll gather five thought-provoking points in due
course, but this is just so you don't get
too curious. First, let's study the
following.
In 1950, was forensic eloquence
following the patterns of modernism that
had been introduced three decades earlier
in Brazilian literature, or was it
still subordinate
to an eloquence of a
romantic nature? This is the first issue
we're going to try to unravel.
The second issue is patriarchalism,
sexism, and homophobia in the
People's Court. Or in the penal system, needless
to say, right? There's nothing more
homophobic and sexist than the
police institution, right? There are a lot of people in the
judicial institution, you understand? The penal system is
full of patriarchs, macho men, and
homophobes. No, but let's see in this
case how it happened, because
sometimes it happens in a
subtle way, we don't notice it at the time.
Thirdly, I'm going to talk about
moral and social coercion, which was the
essential theme of the trial, and which led
to the acquittal.
And so,
fourthly, we will examine
this surprising Supreme Court ruling
that prohibited lawyers from speaking of
legitimate defense of honor and that stated that
honor is not defensible.
And lastly, we're going to propose a
comparison between punitive mentalities
in the mid-20th century, that is, in the
1940s and 50s.
And today we're going to take the period from 2005 to the present and
see if there are any differences. How
could this study be done,
because I mostly suggest how to
conduct these studies rather than actually developing them myself?
Let's move on to the synthesis of the
field. Around 1947,
Olga Sueli Dantas, who was a
poor young woman, had a
job in a notary's office; she
was a clerk in a notary's office in Duque
de Caxias, right? She met Alcir
Gonçalves Vieira, who was the son of a very
wealthy merchant in Cachei named
Manuel Gonçalves Vieira. They
met, didn't they? They
loved each other, they were committed.
And they loved each other. This order, as I say
here, cannot be reversed because for
some reason, which may be
religious upbringing,
prejudices, or
whatever, a certain type of virgin
was reserved for marriage; she was a
convinced virgin. And we're talking about
1949,
right, where, let's say, the place of women was
an extremely restricted and
monitored one in Brazilian society.
So they started, and after that,
when there was a very clear promise of
marriage, after a year for the
prosecution, two years for the defense, but there was
a promise of marriage and all that,
he frequented the house, called
Olga Sufeli's mother "mother," taught her and so on, and
well, they loved each other. right? At a certain point
she becomes pregnant, and
he proposes that they have an
abortion. This will be an
argument
in the trial, because if Algasson
had any interest
in the Vieira family's gold, as will also come
up a lot in the trial, all she had to do
, as Romero Neto will say
explicitly, was not have the
abortion, and her son would inherit, whether he
wanted to or not, the old Manuel
Vieira. That's how Romero Neto puts it
in court.
Well, this type of rejection wasn't
common. It's a great romance. I
recommend to you, Clájos de Lima
Barreto, which deals precisely with this.
However, Claros Anes was 16 years old and Olgas
Feli was no more than 18 years old. And
the type of seduction, you know, where
the reluctant boyfriend would often get
married to avoid punishment, the
crime of seduction required a victim
under 18 years old and, therefore, the case
was not justifiable.
Well, Alcir's family starts to
object, saying, "No, you don't have to marry
this girl,"
and so on. And he
finally capitulates
at some point, it seems in May of '49,
after so much accusation, and then,
more or less a year and a half
after learning of the beginning of the
relationship, he catches up and begins to withdraw.
Well, Algae is going to complain a lot, right, about the
prejudice she faced, the
discrimination she was treated with
by her family. She'll tell
the newspapers after the crime that whenever I
say, "I'm thinking clearly," I mean, "
I have good eyesight, right?" Because I was trying to get my
glasses here without them. It's
called cataract surgery.
She said that she had found her
fiercest enemy in her mother. She recounts a day when
she learned that Asi had fallen
ill, even though he had been ill for some time.
She was worried because she loved him
and went to visit him, but she wasn't allowed in; it was
raining. She stood at the door, she said:
"I stood at the gate of the
Vieira mansion and I wasn't received. I wasn't
received." She was very humiliated. Of course,
the inevitable unease began to
happen between the two families, between
the Vieiras, rich, well-positioned and
so on, and the Dantas
Bres over there and so on.
But nobody knew that this unease
between the groups, who occasionally
flirted with each other and so on, had led to a
meeting, some Vieiras had
taken money from a Vieira, but
something has nothing to do with that, but
internally she
began to develop an extraordinary hatred
for the aid, right? Welcome.
And she bought a
Water pistol, she practiced shooting. Nobody
knew that her heart, to use the
poet's expression, was a pot overflowing with
bitterness.
And all this overflows
when
Manuel proposes a
financial arrangement,
the father of the aid. She really, on
September 27, 1949, which is the day of the crime, the
casualty of members of the two families in
Dom Pedro's house,
At the train station, during
this encounter,
someone growls at the other and so on, and old
Manuel asks the delegate from Caxias to
arrange a kind of
meeting between the groups to see if it would bring
peace. A judge had already tried
this before.
And you know that requests from
millionaires are quickly fulfilled
by the police. That same
afternoon there was already a summons, a
summons to go to the
police station. Okay. I'm interrupting
here to welcome our president. That's
it.
Good morning.
Continuing. I'll continue
. But I'll give a brief
recap. We're talking about a
crime that happened in '49.
A young woman who was a clerk in a
notary's office, poor thing, began, but very
conservative from a moral and religious point of view
.
She was very conservative, right? She,
let's say,
begins a courtship with a very rich young man,
Sir Gonçalves Vieira, son of Manuel
Gonçalves Vieira, a local politician from Caxias
at that time,
and they fall in love, and so on, they
agree on marriage, and so on, and so on. Suddenly
the family starts to oppose her; she was
poor,
and at
a certain point, in
May 1949, he also starts to leave her, and she had become
pregnant, she had
an abortion based on
his advice and assistance, right?
She gets very angry. There's a bad feeling
between the families, and on
September 27, 1949, these families
casually meet members of their families at the
Dom Pedro train station.
And there, Manoel
Vieira, the boss, Asire's father, who was
preventing their marriage, didn't want
this marriage,
asks the delegate to hold a meeting
to discuss it, and the delegate summons
them. That's it. And Algeli, who had bought
a pistol for shooting practice, is
the last straw for her. She
receives a summons through the internet, goes
there. On the same day, the delegate
organizes things. Of course, when the
poor arrive, the rich are already in the
delegate's office waiting there. As
the indictment says, first the two enter,
the two brothers enter. She carried the
pistol in her purse,
and when her moment arrived, she
entered, went straight to the assistant, shot the
assistant, the bullet hit him
in the legs—another
mystery for us. But then they
tried to stop her, but it was an enraged finger on an
automatic weapon. She fired at the
assistant's father and brother-in-law, both the
father's son-in-law, and killed them both with
fatal shots. So, she was accused of a
triple homicide,
one attempted and two completed, in the police
chief's office. This
is the case. Now let's see the
media coverage of the case, which is
unique
because
the extraordinary repercussion cannot
be explained solely by the
female authorship of a homicide. At
the end of 1929,
Silvia Serafim Tibão,
who was, let's say, a pioneer in this,
killed in the newsroom the journalist who
publicly humiliated her; he was
Nelson Rodrigues' brother.
And then many women in that period
from the 40s to the 50s, Aracia Abelha, Azira Gonelli
Semanovsk, Elb Mascarinhas de Morais,
Zumira Galvão Bueno. And I'm only mentioning
middle-class women because,
well, the cases of poorer women
didn't receive as much attention, but
there were many homicides. Zumira
Galvão Bueno, by the way, has a
characteristic that some will know,
because Evandel Silva narrates it, which is
very curious. At that time,
Evandel Silva still lived in that house
in Alto da Boa Vista
and received a phone call from Dona Zumira,
married to Estélio Galvão Bueno, who was
a great lawyer. She received this
call, "I need to speak with
you." She shaved, went to her office,
and so on. Dona Zumira arrived. "
I'm here, Dr. Evandro, because Estélio
said that if I ever needed
a lawyer, I should look for you." Then
Evandro asked her,
"Madam, what can I do?"
I said, "I killed Estélio." That's how it was
. Well, a certain woman on
Ilha do Governador opted for gasoline and
matches. He didn't use a firearm. Some
of these women, you know, declared that they had
suffered from addiction and such.
And it was often proven, even though
patriarchal homes are somewhat
impenetrable, always
since Roman times.
But at that time, courts and penalists
affirmed that marital rape did not exist
.
And I say, in an old book of mine
called "Commented Criminal Decisions,"
I work and make an implacable,
relentless critique of a
1975 Court of Appeals decision, saying: "No, the husband does
not commit rape against the wife."
It's an exercise of a right, as
if the marital debt could be
acquired by force, settled. The term is
settled, resolved.
Settled.
Settled, okay? Settled by
force. Well,
the problem is this: Olga Suel
wasn't even married,
nor was she beaten by Auxio.
So, these ingrained convictions of hers
about sex, which are viscerally
conservative,
were contrary to the desires and
struggles of... Women who were seeking
liberation from the age-old
legal subjugation imposed upon them in the name of the transmission of
private property through inheritance and
other similar conveniences
. The year 1949, the year
Olga killed, is the year of the launch of *The
Second Sex*, published in Paris by
Galima.
A little over three lustrums later, a little
before three lustrums, we're in the
1960s, the pill is freeing women
from that fatality
that, let's say, disturbed the exercise of
sexual freedom,
right? That removed sexual freedom from the
model of canonical sexual licitness, which is
intercourse, intercourse, no, carnal
conjunction for
procreation.
The rest is illicit.
And well, a little more, 20 years later,
comes the report that
makes public a hitherto forbidden
female sexuality. It was something that
had to stay, the curtain here.
Female sexuality over there.
Unlike the women who were
killing abusive husbands. Sueli
killed because her husband gave up on the
conjugal investiture. How to understand The
sympathy
she aroused? Right? Was there an
influence from the disparity in
social class? Or was it admiration for the fearless,
deceived vestal virgin who redeems her
own honor through blood? Or the opposition to the powerful father-in-law
, right? It transformed things there. So it
was a Romeo and Juliet situation, right? Manuel
Monteéquio was preventing the love affairs, right?
Alcir Romeu, anyway,
take a look at the newspapers and you
'll be amazed, right? They reported
the crime, the trial, and the
Niterói court session,
recalling the indignation caused in her
by Manuel
Gonçalves Vieira's proposal to compensate her with a kind
of life he imposed on his son. I
forgot to mention that our sources
are the rebuttal and the rejoinder. We don't
have the original accusation and defense statements.
Carlos de Araújo Lima, right, who did
a great service by transcribing
several of the jury's arguments into two books,
two volumes that you should have, which
are a lesson in advocacy, those
trials.
He explained that it was a commercial radio station... But
I checked the fidelity of
Romero Neto's text in Romero Neto's book.
So, and since these are extensive rebuttals and counter-rebuttals,
and since they distill the material
that was addressed in the accusation and the defense,
I think we have good indicators.
Let's go. One newspaper page carried a
statement about something. They wanted to erase the
stain with money. On another page it
returned. Indecent proposal. Another
newspaper on the front page had the
headline: They wanted to buy my honor with
money. And in the caption above
her photo, the young Olga, in a moment of
hallucination, tried to kill the young man who
repudiated her after dishonoring her.
Only the photo of Alcir, the pivot of the tragedy.
A third newspaper published a page with
the headline: Human dignity is not a
commodity that is put up for sale. A
statement she gave saying, they are not
like those commodities that made
Manuel a millionaire.
In an interview, she stressed her revulsion
at having sought to repair
my misfortune with money, as if
human dignity were a commodity. One of those
commodities that They made Manuel Gonçalves
see a millionaire. At the same time, she
made a point of repeatedly emphasizing
that she wasn't sorry.
It's guilt when she meets ACI two months
later, who must have said to
her, like, "Did you see what you did?" She
retorted, "It was nothing, it was published
in the newspaper. A
peaceful preventive detention, right? For the
rest of his life."
But the newspapers begin to exploit the abysmal
inequality between the young clerk
and the millionaire's son, the cold, indifferent young man
whose father didn't approve of their
union. Beyond being a millionaire,
Manuel Gonçalves Vieira was called a
capitalist.
In what Brazilian newspaper today does a
reporter, an editor, write the essential
capitalist
instead of the laudatory entrepreneur? Where do
you find that kind of journalist
today?
It's true.
A newspaper promised its readers to open
a space to talk about
Manuel Gonçalves Vieira's immense fortune.
The millionaire, who declared he was against
his son's meeting with the clerk,
was moved to the center of the plot.
In the hearing to hear witnesses,
Olga Felix gave ample support. Under the title
Popular delirium, one newspaper wrote: "The
audience, silent during the session, once
this one ended, gave vent to its
contentment."
Olga Sueli, greeted with a standing ovation, descended the
courthouse stairs, followed by the public,
and went out into the street to await the arrival of the
accused. Everyone wanted to see and
congratulate Holgas.
This is a newspaper.
The same newspaper, a fortnight later,
reported: "Holgers has become the object of
admiration for all who see her, a
true heroine who, in defense of her
honor, etc."
Reporting on the letters of support she
received in prison from friends, colleagues, and
unknown women, another newspaper
observed: "This feeling of sympathy
from women surrounding Olga Sueli's drama is
growing. The
women's section of a political party
sent her a letter pledging its
full support.
This sympathy reverberated in the news
about the evidence gathered. Excuse me,
may I take off my jacket? Starting,
starting a sauna in the morning. No,
thank you, dear. Thank you.
Look at that.
Of course, because some testimonies
sought, the testimonies that Tenório
Cavalcante arranged,
sought to discredit the defendant in what
was then called sexual honesty and
which was only expelled from the Brazilian election
at the beginning of the 20th century.
Romero Neto will attribute to Tenório
Cavalcante
the listing of these witnesses about
whom I will speak when we work on
patriarchalism, machismo, and homophobia,
right?
Witnesses, including a
prostitute from Caxias, who said that Olga
Sueli was a colleague, without any data,
nobody believed her and so on, but even then..." Nothing
surprising, because
unscrupulous lawyers, unfortunately, exist,
as in other professions, there are many
unscrupulous people,
right? And fabricated witnesses are a
constant, right, in criminal courts.
The surprise comes from the courage with which
several newspapers accused the
artificiality of that evidence. One of them,
reporting on the hearing, stated that the
testimonies gave the impression of having
been deliberately prepared by
Algas Sueli's accusers. Another
bluntly stated the existence of
fabricated testimonies.
Where are they? Where are these
journalists who refuse to analyze what they
receive from the police or the
Public Prosecutor's Office and intend to exercise a
critical judgment on the accusatory evidence? That
is the great problem of
police news, which, since that
Ramírez incident in criminological thought,
the problem is that
television
doesn't do any critical examination.
Where are these journalists here?
Where did they hide so well?
Coverage of the trial session in
Niterói, which was announced as a
great spectacle. Finally, today the
trial will take place in the Jury Court.
Algaseli, author of one of the most
moving tragedies ever
recorded, like Shakespeare.
She is not the author of a crime,
the other also the author of one of the most
notorious tragedies, the other newspaper.
There was a suspicious exception in the
evening newspaper that had been supporting her and which, before the
trial, attacked the criminal who, in her
favor, invented a case of honor as the
motive for the crime, which is not true,
according to the evidence in the
records.
Well, it
fuels suspicion, especially since the
money that buys witnesses
also buys editorials, and sometimes
cheaper.
A photo of the audience that attended the
trial, published in the following week's magazine,
had the following
caption: "The audience was largely
female and, according to the investigations
we conducted for the magazine, most were rooting for
Olga."
The day after the trial, a newspaper
opened a page with the following headlines:
Delirium at the Niterói courthouse. There had
been a challenge, right? Acclaimed in
prison. Yes. After the acquittal,
Delegate Amil Richard fought with
tremendous force against
the detention center, prevented by great force. A
crowd deliberately cheered
the passionate criminal from Caxias. And upon
arriving at the prison, she entered to
enthusiastic cheers from the other inmates
who had followed the trial on the
radio. In the retelling of the crime in the
following week's magazine, this support
manifested itself in the presence of the one who
had stolen her honor and stubbornly refused to reclaim it
. Hugo happily drew his
revolver, etc.
How could the
verdict of the People's Court have been different? So
let's start now, let's work on
the late modernism of
forensic eloquence. The drunkard
next to the president, I know I won't
lack water here at the moment. I
'm sure of it,
folks. In a luminous text, a great
French historian, Jorge de B,
examining,
this one here I would be incapable, excuse me, the
man of the minority
doesn't accept
even more from the president of the council,
but you won't accept a
water, professor I
can't, I have to leave it to the
woman, aa more than the woman is the
president of the sectional council.
Well, in this text they analyzed the
documents From the 10th century, when
feudalism was being implemented in Europe.
And he observed that notarial documents
struggled
against the new form, because they were
new legal phenomena, right, the
establishment of feudalism. And that
notarial writing had difficulty
adapting. His phrase is brilliant.
When I read it, he says that those
structural economic transformations
were too recent, too
current to immediately impact the
ritual terms of legal writing, the
most rigid of all, the slowest to
lend itself to the expression of novelty.
Yes, yes. That's true. The form, even
before the written form, the
symbolic form, right? For example, the announcement
of a new work, right? Something that fascinated
Michelê when he came across it. The
person in the new works, he had to
throw a stone at the wall that was being
built on his land. He had to throw
that stone. If he didn't throw that
stone, a formality was lacking. He did
n't have an action, an announcement of a new work.
In Germanic law as well. The
raped woman had to go screaming through
three houses. That was a condition of
admissibility in today's terms. That's how it
got to the ordinances, Mr. President. In
the ordinances, the raped woman had to
go through three houses saying: "See what he
did to me, foan, which is the archaic form of so-and-so
." See what so-and-so did to me.
This is a possibility. And when this
enters the written record, there is also a
decision, there is a ruling from the House of
Appeals,
whose rulings have almost the force of law, eh,
that from 1692, at the end of the 17th century, which
had a formula when it granted bail
for damages, losses arising
from a lawsuit,
from a lost lawsuit, a, let's say,
financial reinforcement. Regarding the oath of slander, right?
In the order, he had to
state that he guaranteed loss and damage,
amendment, satisfaction, and costs.
Well, they would cancel the contract when the guarantor didn't say
the five words. Until 1692, a scene from the
house of supplication stated: "It is enough for the
guarantor to say that he will vouch for everything." It's a matter
of legal form, right? It's a locking shape, right?
And it froze too, right? To this day,
all scripture begins in the year of
grace of the birth of our Lord
Jesus Christ. Who still uses the
Julian calendar today? Who counts
the years from Caesar today? Do you know of any from the
19th century? Did they meet anyone in the 16th century
? There
is absolutely no doubt about that. But
we continue. It's as you say, the slowest one
to lend itself to the expression of novelty,
right? So it continues, right, na na
eh, like that's what they want. And civil law scholars
even have an aphorism, according to which the
essence of things comes from the form of the
thing.
So
this is a matter
that
is good to keep in the official record,
the writing continues what B did, he
could talk about today as well.
Because what clerk,
when drafting a will or
deed, wouldn't use the formula he learned
from his mentor at the notary's office,
you understand? It will compromise the
subject's will due to a formal defect.
So she keeps repeating that old saying. But what about
forensic oratory? Could it be that
legal oratory also
has this problem? Yes, it does. Does the
style of the forensic speaker maintain
compatibility with current literary style,
or does it also have roots in the
past?
So let's see. Some years after
Algelit's trial, Heleno Fragoso
wrote, drawing attention to the following:
"The Jury Court constitutes the last
bastion of a certain type of
forensic oratory that makes a sentimental appeal,
often with
exceptional skill.
When Heleno Fragoso mentions the
sentimental appeal, he is doing so unintentionally,
because he was, let's say, not a
specialist in literature, but he is
placing this within the pattern, the
romantic canon, because the great authors of
literature, there is no doubt about
this, for José Veríssimo, among the
distinctive traits of Romanticism would be
an idealistic sentimentality. Oto
Maria Carpô points out
sentimental elements in Romanticism.
And when Mário da Silva Brito discusses
Parnassianism, which succeeded
Romanticism especially in the field of poetry, he says that Parnassianism
had the function of giving discipline, balance, and harmony to literature
compromised by the sentimentalism of
the Romantics
. So this characteristic of
Romanticism, the intense recourse to
feelings, right, where
individualism reverberates, which is another mark." From
Romanticism, right, that's what interests us here
in the 1930s, the 1920s, we even know about it
before, right, because Bandeira's poem "Sapos" (Frogs)
is from 1918 and it even has the frog
that is the Parnassian frog, with only
rich rhymes and so on, but anyway, in the
1920s Modernism definitively arrived
in Brazilian literature, but
forensic eloquence is not
relevant here.
See, but perhaps it's not
wrong to say that Modernism is
such a broad name, a broad category that
can be better defined not by the new
goods shipped, but by the cargo
that was thrown overboard, among them the
sobbing sentimentalism of the
Romantics, right? A little bit like that. So,
let's go. In his most referenced work,
Antônio Cândido, the great Antônio Cândido, a
work, incidentally, that was written and
completed in the year of the trial, in 1951,
he mentions the pathetic and the
mawkish, which mark a large part of the
Romantic convention,
and deals directly with...
Romantic eloquence, pompous, imaginative, and drunk with
sonority.
In this book, he stated that even
today, he's writing in '51, even
today conventional and celebratory discourse has a romantic character
.
This prolongation of Romanticism, already
perceived by Veríssimo,
would not be an innocence, a belated resurgence
of Baroque marks that Carlos Nejer,
also in his history of
Brazilian literature, attributes to the bachelor's degree in
law with the famous lawyers and the
legal scholars who thus made their name.
This continued until the fall of Getúlio
Vargas, in '54. So, authors
of literature also
affirm in no uncertain terms that
Romanticism continued while
Modernism was established in literature,
forensic eloquence remained
romantic.
And he says, while Vieira, I even
write here, while Vieira was
satirized in the Anthropophagic Manifesto
of '22, many forensic orations proclaimed, I will
not ask, but
protest and argue, because this
is the The license and freedom that one has who
asks for no favor but justice, from the sermon
for the good success of Portugal's arms
against Holland. But
Vieira was being mocked
by the modernists, and we here
continued.
But there is also the
romantic backbone, and to this baroque rib we must
also add a
floating rib that arises when a
new knowledge emerges from the case, which
is medico-legal knowledge.
Then the forensic discourse can take on
naturalistic, scientistic tones
when the subject delves into
forensic medicine. Well, two decades after the
trial, Evand Silva and Romero Neto
met again
in Efige, at the inauguration of
Romero Neto's bust in the Hall of
Lost Steps. In the speech that Evand Silva
gives, what does he say
about Romero Neto? As an orator, he still
retained the ardor and a little of the
mise-en-scène of our ancestors.
Romero Neto represented a phase in the
transition between the flamboyant
and pompous eloquence of an Alberto de Carvalho and the
simple and direct oratory. In our
time, any
unenthusiastic graduate student wishing to
verify this hypothesis will have to
open three books, all written in the
third quarter of the 19th century:
Jungueira Freire's *Elements of National Rhetoric*,
Canon Fernandes Pinheiro's *Rhetoric and Poetry Handouts*, and
Costa Honorado's *Synopsis of Eloquence and Poetics*.
Although they don't evoke the classics—
Cicero, Aristotle,
Quintilian—they work with modern thinkers
and write at the height of
Romanticism. Therefore, they criticize
these excesses, but also the Romantic canon.
It is through these manuals that
we can critique this
discourse.
They still work with the discourse within that
division that comes from antiquity, which
you know:
the proem, the exordium, which has those
classic purposes of attracting attention,
of captivating,
then the narration, also called the
proposition, which is when the case is presented
. Then the proof, which can be
called... Confirmation when she is
attesting to the narration or refutation when
she is denying the narration. And
finally, the peroration. They work
with this structure which, even today, I
think is the structure worked on there in
the concern.
There's something curious. One of them,
Freire, says the following in
his book, on page 19 of the elements of
rhetoric: contemporary orators in
our tribune excessively reject the
use of exordia. They are convinced
that only in this way will they be considered
romantic.
Through this, we learn that the
romantic orator did not like exordia very much
. And our orators
here too, although they are working with the
exordium of the reply and the rejoinder, which
would certainly be greater, but they really
don't have practically any exodium, which is a
trait of romantic oratory.
The concern with
mawkish sentimentality is quickly noted
by Canon Fernandes Pinheiro, quite the
opposite of the poet Fernando Pessoa;
the orator should never feign a motion he does
not possess. Here I'm playing with
that poetics of Fernando Pessoa. The
poet is a A pretender. He pretends so
completely that he even feigns the
pain, the pain that Vera feels. On the
contrary, the lawyer, unlike
the poet Fernando Pessoa, the canon,
should never pretend. But it is curious
because, according to him, the coldness of the speaker
will reveal little conviction in what he says.
And despite the requirement of authenticity
in emotion, for him the objective of the
narration would be to awaken emotion in the
soul of the listener,
which ends up producing true
or false emotion.
But he says that before the
toned collegial body, the speaker should not resort to the
pathetic and the commonplace, a rule that
loosens before the Jury Court.
They speak of verbosity and confusion, of
dramatic means
taught by Fernandes Pinheiro, in the
sense that the forensic speaker must
perfectly know the
famous cases of all countries, was followed
to the letter by Romero Neto, in the case we are
studying, who in his rejoinder mentioned
four famous cases, two French,
Madame Caioló and Madame Palmier, one
Brazilian, Silvia Serafim,
and one Italian, Ginonzarri.
How many mentions would we find in the
initial defense, of which we do not have a
transcript?
Also for Costa Honorato, the
forensic orator cannot give in to the
fervor of passions, nor to flights
of fancy, avoiding
useless verbosity, a style full of strange
affectation resulting from the exaggerated use
of rhetorical tropes, particularly
metaphor.
A divergence between Fernandes Pinheiro
and Costa Honorato arises regarding
humor; while the former admits the
use of witticisms and epigrams,
especially in young orators, the
latter recommends
the argument that the lawyer's job
is to convince judges, not to make
listeners laugh.
However, there is unanimity on the high
temperatures
of the peroration. At this moment, the orator
must fully embrace the pathetic,
making use of the most ardent expressions,
the most imposing affections, the
most despotic passions.
It is the ending that moves the spectator. And
the orator follows the cunning of the musician. The
last notes decide the success of the whole thing. The
piece.
The speeches of our colleagues in 1951
and observing these traits in them. Well, the
prosecutor Ren Desta's rebuttal was sober,
lasting 5 minutes, but he did
n't lack an
enchanting ease in speaking about the
defense.
Well, Evandlin Lins de Silva was
undoubtedly one of the lawyers who promoted the
modernization of oratory before the jury,
and the signs of this are in his rebuttal.
The guiding thread of his speech sought to
demonstrate that it was not a
crime of passion but a cold
revenge planned by the Dantas family.
But he uses the expression "Strangers on a Train," the
title of a film from the same year by
Hitchcock, the still-English film by
Hitchcock. And when he talks about
family feuds, do you think he brings up the Horatii
Coriacius? No. He takes a 1949 book
by a senior man named Costa Pinto, "
Family Feuds in Brazil." I even picked up the
book to see. It's only from the
colonial period, but it's from Brazil.
It's only from Brazil.
So, of course, it's the contemporary
claiming some space in the courtroom. In a
jury where only historical accounts had the
legitimacy to enter the romantic perspective,
as a proponent of what he professed
in his rebuttal, he asks for
a conviction, reminding the jury that the
accused had a brother who
was also accused. They need re-education.
Re-education that they will achieve through
punishment.
Evandro Silva's intellectualism
would make him an abolitionist
of prison, right? He repeatedly
proclaimed and recognized the process
of intellectual decline that prison
produces in its inhabitants. And he fought
for this in his maturation. Of course,
this is a young Evandro, perhaps he
was still reading too much,
and he was, because he cites where
he cites, but he will mature. And
furthermore, let's recognize, a
lawyer is a representative of a party
to whom he owes loyalty. So it was the
late Manuel Vieira who believed in
education through prison, not his
lawyer, but he was speaking for those he
represented.
He rarely resorts to tropes. He is
rhetorical and, when searching, doesn't
shy away from colloquial words instead
of employing erudite terms. When he
criticizes the defense, the simultaneous handling of
three defensive theses—legitimate
defense of honor, moral coercion,
resistance, social coercion, and the culpable nature of
the two consummated homicides—
he mentions a salad of
criminal law delicacies being
served to the jurors. Who knows if,
with so many such tricks, it won't be possible
to find a solution?
Nothing insincere, nothing fancy, nothing fancy,
and a fishing trip
in a blue bay, because when he's
arguing, the bay was blue. Perhaps in the
São Francisco River, since it was in
Niterói, right? The contemporary, the current.
Ah, modernism wants to be conversing
with the present, with its
historical dilemmas, which, being the president's,
are no less historical.
Forget the exploits of Ulysses.
Perhaps Evando realized how
difficult it would be to condemn the book, right?
At a certain point, he vents.
They managed to get the defendants... Does this have a certain sympathy in
some circles of poorly informed public opinion
?
One indicator that can help us lies
in the constant adherence of the discourse to the
evidence presented, which certainly wouldn't be
a romantic trait, but a
modern one, right? This flaw can
materialize in two ways: by
simple mention, which is what I say
when I quote, as the
witness so-and-so said, he said, as
the report said, this happened in this
way; or by
verbal reference, as the
witness said, he was in
the ferry queue when he noticed a
person, I'm reading what the
witness said, or as the report said, the
cause of the injuries was asphyxiation. I
'm reading, I'm presenting the evidence, I
'm not just mentioning the evidence.
Of course, the verbal citation method gains
credibility, but it hinders the
fluency of the discourse. It's a weight that the
lawyer has to check, but it
obliges an epic, objectified narration
and not a lyrical, subjectified narration,
right? This can compensate for the damages to the
fluency of the appeal. Because you gain
credibility when you're presenting
evidence.
If we admit that the modernization of
Brazilian judicial discourse has, as
one of its indicators, the constant adherence to the evidence in the case files,
we can
identify its presence
comparatively between Evandro Silva,
Getúlio de Moura, and Romero Neto. Flores da
Cunha did not, because he became aware
of the case files during the session, as he
readily confesses.
Well, regarding the citation of
authors, we find a
relative balance, right? Evandro cited
seven, Getúlio de Moura 10, and Romero nine.
Authors in general,
Pedro Vergara, who will be for the defense,
Ferre, and Nelson Gria,
but an abysmal difference arises in the
adherence to the evidence in the case files in the
strong way of citing verbatims. Evandro Silva
cited the evidence in the case files verbatim 30
times compared to none by Getúlio de Moura,
who remained simple in his mere
mention, and twice by Romero Neto, who also
resorted to simple mention on other occasions.
The narration, and particularly the
confirmatory or contradictory evidence of the
narration. The discourse, which gives more
space to the full content of statements,
documents, and expert opinions than to their
rhetorical representations, expresses a
realistic yearning.
This is not yet modernism; just look at
how Rui Barbosa handles the evidence, but it is
negating romanticism. The adherence to evidence is
a negation of romanticism.
Getúlio de Moura's exquisite defense
does not entirely abandon the old school.
Here we have one, there one is disregarded, like
a sucked orange. Like
Casanova de Caxias.
The
comparison between the
social sensitivity of the jury and the keen ear of an
Indian that he makes would have been made by
a Gonçalves Dias lawyer.
Built from the
contagious sympathy that Olga Senoria had aroused.
Alongside the sentences of the
robed judges, he explained to the jury, who
live in their ivory towers. We have the
jury's decisions, which must be in
perfect consonance with the average opinion
of society,
since the jury, constituted by legitimate
representatives of the collective conscience of
society, this district is to judge
according to the norms of society, so as
not to disappoint it. On a
dozen occasions, Getúlio emphasized the
subordination of the People's Court to the
sympathies of the people. A very appropriate thesis
for that case, however terrible. For
many others,
Getúlio constructed the most functional
argument for that session. Could the
people's court contradict
popular aspirations?
Romero Neto's rebuttal has all the
rhetorical ingredients of a
consummate master in the art of advocacy.
But without exaggeration or effervescence,
the marks of romanticism are clearly there. From the outset,
Romero addresses the
jurors permanently in the second person plural, a
device that Evand Lin only used in his
speech.
When referring to certain forged evidence intended
to undermine the honesty of Algas
Sueli, which we will discuss in the
following section, he stated that it had been
produced by the lawyer Tenório
Cavalcante, whom he called Lord of
Barço and Cuutelo of the city of Caxias,
highlighting this power to already compromise
investigations. Right, and
investigations carried out in Caxias.
The metaphors follow one another, it's a profusion
of metaphors. Truth is like a diamond
that despairs and demoralizes anyone who
tries to reproduce it artificially.
Truth is like an environment that resists
water, that withstands fire. The
carcinogenic properties were
unknown at that time.
An anaphora couldn't be missing.
For those who have forgotten, anaphora is the
repetition of the same word at the beginning of a
sentence: "
had to give air," "gave her her love," "gave
her her trust," "gave her her
virginity," "gave them"—there are three more: "gave them."
That's an anaphora. Ah, well, uh, and of course
the peroration was "poor girl," "
inspired burin," "the cross," etc. And so there's
the challenge for one of you
to study the
criminal forensic oratory of the jury when it gets rid
of romanticism.
We enter into patriarchalism, machismo, and
homophobia
to see if I, finally, can do
this in 10 Minutes.
Well, we can affirm that the
penal systems of the Christian West are born
phallocentric and homophobic,
because the criminalization of sexuality
by canon law was a
terrible program, right, with the consecration of only one
way, right, of
licit sexual intercourse, which is carnal conjunction. For
those who haven't studied sexual crimes,
carnal conjunction means daddy and
mommy. Intramarital carnal conjunction
between married couples, I can say it's
procreative,
only to make a little child.
The rest, including pleasure, has a
taste of illicit residue.
This was the model, right, that was
spread, that killed many people,
right, at the stake, our first one here at the
tip of a cannon, right, in Maranhão.
Anyway, that's it.
Well, modernity also consummates the
domestication of women's labor,
which in the future will surprise
working-class women with double shifts
without double pay.
The conditions were in place for the
patriarchal bourgeois family model and its networks
of dependence and domination, right, which would
also discipline the Affections. I
bring here a passage from Pierre
Bourdieu, who dealt with this subject and
which, for me, is a seminal passage that
I transcribe for you here. If the
sexual relationship shows itself as a
social relationship of domination, it is
because it is constructed through the
principle of fundamental division between the
active masculine and the passive feminine.
And because this principle creates, organizes,
expresses, and directs desire—
desire as a desire for possession, as
eroticized domination, and feminine desire
as a desire for masculine domination, as
eroticized subordination, or even,
ultimately, as
eroticized recognition of domination.
No woman participated in the
police investigation, the instruction and debate in the
criminal action, the jury trials, and the appeals
to the Court of Justice. The
lawyers, prosecutors, judges, jurors
, and justices are all men. So much
masculinity speaks for itself, but
there is a provocative ambiguity in the accused
.
When she tried to kill whoever
made her unhappy, the country was
modernizing.
Women's suffrage was not yet two
decades old, and the consolidation of
labor elections had not yet completed one.
Many In that context, women sought to
emancipate themselves from the
patriarchal bourgeois family model, or at
least to reduce the level of oppression
imposed by it, which rendered
married women indigent
legal positions and single women in a state of
perpetual transience, a
constant waiting period. Many women, despite
all the difficulties, forged
escape routes, some, like Vim, even killing their
husbands, and routes of insurgency.
The fact that Algas Sueli had a job
would speak in favor of libertarian projects.
However, her moral conscience was
radically committed to the
patriarchal bourgeois family model. In the name of
this model, she sought as her destiny
passive, eroticized subordination and
violently rebelled against an
unwanted freedom. Perhaps this is what
saved her, because this model
ideologically predominated in
society, not just in the
dominant class.
The axiological aspect in which
public opinion moved, and which certainly also
prevailed among jurors, had its
lower limit in the concept of an
honest woman. A concept that was only expelled from
Brazilian legislation at the beginning of the 20th
century. XX.
Under the predominance of the tropicalized Itorian statute
, one need only listen to this skillful
Getúlio de Moura. The jury will have to judge
according to the norms of society.
We here In Brazil, we still demand
sacred ties. from marriage to the
union of the sexes. We require
families to be legally constituted. Hence the
nobility and legitimacy of
Olga Suel's aspiration. She wanted the marriage and she had a
right to it.
I was entitled to it.
An
arbitrary exercise of one's own reasoning
suddenly gives rise to a direct shot
against Silva, right? He was entitled to it,
but the sources
from which it paradoxically stemmed—an
advanced, acquittal solution—are quite evident. The presence
of moral arguments, and I'll go
further, as many authors mention
during jury trials, there was
a theme in this jury trial proving a clandestine act of a
moral nature that seemed secondary and
unimportant, but in reality was
central and decisive. It was about the
sexual honesty of something happy. The
careful approach the lawyers
take to it reveals its importance. Even though
three homicides were being tried—
one attempted, two completed—
it suggests that acquittal or conviction
could result from the
defendant's sexual honesty or dishonesty. The
private prosecutor, Evand Silva, was shrewd and
elegant. Through his shrewdness, he was
convinced that firing at someone who had
earned him so much sympathy and understanding
was risking seeing the projectile
backfire.
Only Augas there killed two and almost killed
one, but she managed to win the
coveted role of victim. At that
time, the victim had not yet
re-entered the criminal scene. The victim
was removed from the crime scene on two separate
occasions. since the 11th, 14th, and 15th centuries, there was the
historical issue of public punishment.
As public punishment was being
constructed, the victim
ended up losing even forgiveness and the right to
act, the initiative, and forgiveness. It
wasn't just her last name; the father figure, the asylum,
the duel—things like that were losing ground
too, right? But no one has been so
robbed.
It is in this sense that we speak of the confiscation
of conflict. The victim lost her power; she
no longer manages her conflict, which is now
managed by a representative of the
king. The offense wasn't directed at her anymore, no.
No, the offense was the law. The
very concept of an infraction is being created
and worked on. And then in
criminal law theory, in the mid-
19th century, it is definitively kicked in the
backside when
the concept of legal good is invented. Because until
then, liberal thought
considered the legal objectivity
of the crime to be the
subjective right of the victim.
My right to sexual integrity
was violated when Dr. Rafael
Fagundes stabbed me here in the
arm. But no, from the perspective of
legal good, no, it's not the abstract legal good of
health, it's not my arm.
Then the victim returned at the end, in the
second half of the 20th century, even
transforming into the greatest propagandist of the
penal system, which is why she came to
occupy, became an expert in
opinion. The person who has been criminalized is
certainly the one who is least able to avoid
criminalization. He has already proven that he doesn't
know how to avoid criminalization, and he becomes the
victim, playing the authority figure. But it comes back to haunt us through the
post-traumatic stress syndrome
created by wars.
This nozological category
creates, let's say, a psychiatric space
for the victim, and thus the victim who had been
expelled returns in this
perspective.
This didn't exist in 1950; there was
simply the victim, but she
gained the role of victim,
and those defamatory pieces of evidence that would
n't stand in the trial were self-
sabotaging. All he allowed himself was
a brief outburst. Imagine him
there in the middle of the night, you know? Making the
second judgment. Then he said: "At the
root of all that was the alleged
deflowering of a woman who claims to be
26 years old and is actually much older.
All
the great lawyer allowed himself was to doubt the
most famous deflowering in the country and
increase the age of the deflowered woman. That
was all that this lawyer, an elegant person
, wasn't he? I, Getúlio de Moura,
also shrewd while seeking to convince the
jury that his duty was to heed the voice
of the people, proceeded to extol the
moral qualities of the defendant. Oh, glacier, a girl with very poor
material resources, but rich in
moral beauty, dedicated to her family and
work, a modest girl, a member of a
religious congregation, an example of
personal dignity. And here's the fatal shot:
by day in the registry office and by night embroidering the
trousseau.
Contrary to Sir, the rich and unscrupulous young man
, the libertine Don Juan de
Aldeia, who was always a vagabond, was the one who,
after seducing Sueli,
frequenting her house, deflowered her,
impregnated her, He promoted her
abortion. With the child removed, the
bride's womb abandons her
miserably.
Having drawn the two profiles, the lawyer
arrives at the core of the issue by proving a
clandestine affair. Note that Sueli was not an
easy girl. She didn't surrender
to herself under the impulse of an
incurable libido. No. During their years of
courtship and engagement, Sir resisted seduction.
Then, little by little,
insidiously, he broke down her
moral resistance, etc., etc.,
winning her heart, frequenting her
house, enveloping her elderly mother in a
web of affection to the point of calling her "
mother-god,"
but the slow and inexorable destruction of the
moral resistance of a poor girl. It
fell to Romero Neto to
concretely dismantle the defamatory evidence that
aimed to disturb the sexual honesty of the
couple.
The first of these was the distorted version
of a fact. She had dated a
married man, they dated for a little over a month. When
she found out he was married, she broke up
immediately. This was a
true fact. All in In its entirety. Without
the other three.
The witness, I already mentioned one, a
prostitute I didn't say, she's my
colleague, she makes a living there, nobody
believed her. But they also got a
witness named
Aristotle, something like that. No, I saw
her leave the bar, Rua dos
Invalidos, 35,
suspicious bar and so on. That was
possible because the defense was there,
a family lived at Rua dos Invalidos 35.
So a certificate came out, that also
ended up being the case. And there was also what would be
a letter from the waiters at Brama. At that
Brama bar, a year and a
half before, two years before,
a meeting would have taken place in which the Vieiras
would have paid something to the Dantas.
What will Romero N do? What fault is it of
his misfortune to be exploited by a third party?
But Romero Neto, one of the great points
of this is the rebuttal, the counter-rebuttal of
Romero Neto, is to dismantle this letter. Look
how well the waiters at Brama write.
Him dismantling this letter is worth
reading, whether in Araújo's book
, Carlos Araújo Lima, Whether in
Romero Mento's own book on Criminal Defenses.
Well, sexual honesty was
intensely thematized.
And his thesis, of course, the defense thesis was
built on ideologically
macho ground and such, it would hardly be
defeated in an equally
macho court. And since machismo goes hand in hand
with homophobia, it was inevitable
to clarify Professor Valdomiro's situation. Who
is Professor Valdomiro? He was
apparently
an associate of the Vieiras, but one who was
protected, someone very vulnerable. The
defense says: "No, he was hidden
on purpose."
He was a regular customer, a very
close man, the Vieiras, he was always there, he
would have participated in that meeting that the
waiters at Brahma described and so on." Romero
Neto
was
accurate and restrained.
Professor Valdemiro is a regular customer of the
Vieira family, an
intimate friend of the late Manuel Vieira, a
frequent visitor to his house.
And there, as Getúlio de Moura explicitly stated
, Professor Valdomiro maintained
ambiguous, yet intimate, relations with
Manuel Vieira.
He lived for several years at Vieira's expense, an
abnormal individual who delighted in
such suspicious and compromising company.
Old Manuel Vieira maintained his friend Valdomiro at his own
expense at the Hotel Rio Branco.
The two were always
together,
they were bed and table companions.
So serious and immoral were these relations
that witnesses did not want to
lift the veil that covered
Manuel Vieira's preferences and manners
in his intimate relationship with
Valdomiro.
Mr. President, after that
he apologizes for his restraint.
Unfortunately, the respect due to the jury and
the ladies... Present in this room, and the
memory of a dead man, impose
silence upon us. So, thanks to
Etúlio de Moura's description, no one will have realized
that the father who forbade his son's love
also lived a forbidden love. 10-
minute pause.
Professor,
professor, if you'll allow me, I'd like to
quickly pass the word to the president, just because I think Ana has her
credentials presentation today. I wanted to
pass the word, Ana, just
reminding you, this class today is
part of the case study module
of our postgraduate course
in criminal law, which is the
result of an agreement between the OAB (Brazilian Bar Association) and CPED (Center for Studies and Research in Criminal Law),
and which we are now re-launching for the
fourth class, and Professor Nilo
is the academic coordinator, and I,
Rafael Fagundes, and Jorge Flores are the
executive coordinators. I hope,
I'm sure, that once again we will
count on your support for this
re-launch.
Absolutely, dear Rafa. I
wanted to say, professor, that every time you
come here, you give a
gift. This is very special for all of us.
What a wonderful class. I just hope I can
watch them all, right? What a
wonderful class, what a spectacular presentation,
and I hope it's being recorded
so we can take this
presentation to the interior of the state, to all
the lawyers, because this is a
fantastic historical class. And I wanted to say
to the professor, who was a great president
of our institution, who represents the
best of the legal profession in Brazil, that if we
had more Nilo Batistas,
especially in the courts, we would
be in a truly desirable country,
a country that makes us proud.
Nilo Batista, without a doubt, is a
prince of the legal profession,
an example for all of us. And I wanted to
express here, on behalf of the lawyers of the
entire state, Professor, how you
illuminate the younger generation, how you
illuminate us all, and we are all
followers of Nilo Batista here, not only in
this state, but in this country. I am
very proud to know you and to be able to
enjoy a few minutes of your speech, as
we were all honored to do here today.
Professor, receive our gratitude,
affection, and all possible tributes
to a great man. Tribune, to a great
lawyer. Thank you very much, professor.
[Applause]
Let's call 10 minutes.
Thank you for the honor of your presence.
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