Ep. 6229 - Trita Parsi on the Likeliest Outcome of the Iran Ceasefire - 4/16/26
You ladies and gentlemen of the press
have been less than honest report
according to the American people what's
going on in this country.
>> It's a baby.
>> We're dealing with Hitler revisited.
>> This is the Scott Horton Show.
Libertarian foreign policy mostly.
>> When the president does it, that means
that it is not illegal.
>> We're going to take out seven countries
in
>> they don't know what the they're doing.
Negotiate now. End this war.
>> And now here's your host, Scott Horton.
>> Welcoming again the great Treata Parsy.
He is co-founder of the Quincy Institute
for Responsible Statecraft and is of
course the author of the fantastic
treacherous alliance about the secret
history of America, Israel, and Iran. He
also wrote Losing an Enemy in a single
roll of the dice, which I admit I
haven't read. And now that I think about
how much I love that first book, I
really do need to read those second two
about diplomacy with Iran in the Obama
years there. But anyway, um uh welcome
back to the show. Thank you so much for
joining us again, Trina.
>> Thank you so much for having me. Really
appreciate it. Okay. So, you just
tweeted a thing very uh recently here
from Laura Rosen, who is a longtime um
you know, State Department and
journalist type uh very close to like
for example, she did very in-depth um
even minute-by-minute coverage of the
diplomacy over the JCPOA back in uh 2015
and so forth. And you tweeted out an
article by her uh quoting informed
sources saying, "Looks like talks are
continuing here. We also heard that from
Trump. looks like they're going to be uh
talking. So, um I also noticed uh a
piece that you had earlier saying that
um you believe that Trump has the
strategic upper hand here in the talks
and in in getting his way, which is a
little bit counterintuitive on the face
of it considering America's strategic
failure in the war. But I'm very
interested to hear your explanation for
that.
All right. So, I don't really say that
he has a strategic benefit. What I'm
saying though is that the ceasefire
enabled Trump to get the key thing he
wanted, which is precisely because this
war was such a strategic disaster and
defeat and would have become an even
worse defeat for Trump if it continued.
if the war continued.
Getting the ceasefire enabled him to get
the key thing that he wanted at this
point, which was to just get out of the
war. His key objective wasn't any longer
the nuclear issue or whatever else it
was. You know, he will make up any
narrative that he want. That's not his
problem. His problem is to actually get
out of the war. And prior to the
ceasefire, he couldn't get out of the
war without Iran's consent because
Iranians would have continued to bomb
even if the US stopped bombing.
But because of a ceasefire now, the
Iranians cannot restart the war. Just
let's say that you have a scenario in
which the US just walks away.
>> Okay.
>> He doesn't lift sanctions. He doesn't
open up the straits. Um well, the
straits will be open, but it will be
under Iranian control.
>> Uh and he just washes his hands of it
and says, "You look, I'm done. I
destroyed their military. I'm I'm good.
And if the Israelis want to continue the
war, that's their issue. but he will
just not be in the war any longer and
his base would be very happy with him
making that decision.
>> Mhm.
>> In that scenario, the Iranians cannot
restart the war without becoming the
aggressors.
>> Right.
>> Right.
>> I see what you're saying. You're saying
>> the more he disengages, the more the
burden is on them to figure out how to
get along with everybody else.
But then the thing is the key thing the
Iranians want is to make sure that they
end this with sanctions relief and a
permanent end to the war. To get that
they need to have a deal. But the key
thing Trump wanted he already got. He's
out of the war.
>> Uhhuh.
So now the Iranians are in a stronger
position of being the ones that have
more future gains to lose if there isn't
a deal. whereas Trump already has gained
the key thing he wanted. Now, I think it
would be better for him and for the
United States to strike a deal to make
sure that, you know, the nuclear issue
is pacified, sanctions are lifted,
hopefully a different relationship
between the two countries. So, we're not
in this state of constant. Is there
going to be war? Is there not going to
be a war? That would be better for the
US. But that's going to require
something that Trump may not be willing
to give, which is not that he's against
giving the sanctions relief, but can you
imagine how upset BB Netanyahu will be
if he's not only ending the war, but on
top of that making a deal with Iran that
lifts the sanctions on Iran. There's not
been a single deal the US has
contemplated with Iran that the Israelis
have supported or have not opposed.
if it entailed sanctions relief. As soon
as sanctions relief is included, the
Israelis are against it because
sanctions is in and of itself a way to
degrade Iran over time.
You can do it faster with bombings, more
intense, more deadly, etc., or at least
in the short term. But you can also do
it by having these strangulating
sanctions on the country over the course
of decades. And they managed to get some
of the strongest sanctions under Obama
and later on under Trump. and they will
not sit still if Trump is about to lift
them. So for Trump, he may end up in a
scenario in which he thinks, you know
what, I don't want to have that headache
with the Israelis. They're pissed off
enough that I'm even ending this war, so
let me just walk away. I got the key
thing I needed. The Europeans and the
Asian countries are going to be upset
about Iran controlling the straits, but
the US is not importing a lot of oil
from the Persian Gulf, and the Iranians
will not close the straits. They want
the straits to be open. They want to
make money off of the toll. So, they
need to let traffic go through. It's
just that they're going to insist on
collecting the tolls. But this rate will
be open. Oil prices will come down. Gas
prices will come down in the US. And and
sure enough, people will soon forget
about this war because at the end of the
day, as bad as it was, it could have
become much much worse if he stayed in
the war. So, I can see him making that
calculation. It would leave the Iranians
in a very bad situation because yes,
they control the straits. That's a
strategic benefit compared to where they
were before. But they need sanctions
relief and they needed an opportunity to
meet the US at the negotiating table
from a relative position of strength.
And for the first time in 47 years, they
are actually at the table from a
relative position of strength.
>> But not
>> they will not get the opportunity to
translate that into a new status quo if
he just walks away.
>> Right. I see. And as you're saying, he's
already halfway away now having stopped.
>> Yeah. I mean, he just said that we
actually have a very good relationship
with you on I don't know if you saw the
clip. He just said that like an hour
ago.
>> Listen, I mean, this is the very best
thing about Donald Trump is that he can
demand unconditional surrender one day
and then surrender unconditionally the
next and he don't give a damn. He just
slip on any dime. Oh, the new Look, I
really dislike the guy's father, but the
new Ayatollah comedy is fantastic. like
what the hell? Why not, dude? You know,
you can't think of a reason why not. So,
that's good enough for me. I'll tell you
what, man. You can get him to flip-flop
that bad, then thank goodness. Um,
now,
you know, I got to wonder though whether
he's willing to take that win. I mean,
in fact, you know, as even the uh
guess it was the New York Times, right,
ran a big piece quoting all Israeli
officials just wailing and lamenting the
failure of this war to achieve all of
>> Netanyahu's stated objectives here. And
in fact, as said, they've been
tremendously empower. The Persian Gulf
is no longer an American lake. It is
again the Persian Gulf in every sense of
that term. It's a massive strategic
benefit that they've gained there. I
don't know if we can even reopen any of
those Gulf military bases ever again or
what would be the point of trying it. So
I mean the US could the question is okay
a lot of these things
>> we did not we did not really change the
regime we did not you know somehow
uninvent their ability to enrich uranium
to whatever percent that they want and
etc etc we did not force them to abandon
Hezbala and the Houthis and their Shiite
militia friend the PMUs in Iraq right so
none of the strategic goals stated have
been achieved at this
I I think I mean obviously that's
absolutely true. I think it's at the
same time important to understand
most of those things were never
achievable anyways.
>> The only reason why he even pursued him
was because the Israelis had essentially
called him into believing that he could
do these things and it was clear he
couldn't. The US cannot do those
different things. So there's a part of
me that don't want to begrudge him for
not having achieved things that were
unachievable that I have ridden for
years are unachievable. I think some
credit needs to be given to the fact
that he recognized that this was a
strategic mistake and as a result
found a way out of it and is apparently
trying to end it. Whereas most American
presidents in the past when they end up
in these debacles, they just keep on
going and kick the can down the road and
hope that the next president will have
to deal with it. And that's how we ended
up in these endless wars. And the fact
that he didn't do that and he didn't
compare where he is to what he said he
would achieve, but he compared where he
is and what he can achieve to the cost
that would be inflicted if
he didn't end this war and all of the
significant damages that will come after
that. To me, it's kind of like imagine
if we are in May 22nd, 2023,
sorry, 2003. That's the day before Paul
Bremer decided to dismantle and disband
the Iraqi army,
>> right?
>> Which was one of the most crucial
dangerous decisions that made that
really set the stage for the insurgency
and everything else.
Imagine if on the day before George W.
Bush woke up and said, "You know what? I
actually campaigned on no nation
building. We got rid of Saddam, but this
is the country of the Iraqis, not our
country. I'm just going to leave it to
them to figure it out." Would he be
criticized? Absolutely. Would there have
been some instability? No doubt. Would
it have been a good situation? No,
because we shouldn't have gone in there
in the first place. But compared to
staying for another decade, birthing
ISIS and all of that other stuff, it
would have been better if he pulled out
on May 22nd. And that's kind of what
Trump did in this situation, I think.
>> Yeah. Well, I sure hope it sticks. I
mean, there's so many stories saying
he's sending more troops to the region,
rearming and getting ready. And if the
Iranians don't give in and give up
enrichment and all of this, then we're
going back to war. I don't know if this
is credible, man. You know, anti-war.com
is running a story a little lower down
on the page today
from a Turkish paper saying that the
Russians had repeatedly offered to take
all of Iran's
uranium stockpile out of the country and
convert it to fuel rods. And that
America continues to reject these
offers. In other words, they need this
pretext to keep fighting. Otherwise, why
would they just let the Russians take
the damn uranium then and call and and
even use that as a basis for ending the
war? That there, see, we achieved our
objective. The stockpile's gone now.
Even though, of course, that would have
happened under the JCPOA if he just
stayed in the JCPOA. That was where they
had already agreed to ship all their
>> stockpile. Look, the Russians have made
that offer several times. I've written
about it. And again earlier on the
reason why Trump didn't accept it is
because the Israelis had convinced them
don't make any deal
>> right
>> you can get rid of this regime you'll
get the best possible deal by simply
getting rid of this regime why make a
compromise when you can actually get
them to surrender
>> right
>> so he rejected that proposal he rejected
what the Omanis put on the table all of
them far superior to the JCPOA in many
aspects
>> right
>> he rejected all them because he was
under the belief that within 4 days he
would have either have gotten Iran to
surrender or for the regime to collapse.
And again, completely unachievable. This
was never really in the cards. US
intelligence said that, but he chose to
listen to the Israelis instead of
listening to the US intelligence.
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>> It's interesting that New York Times
story um widely cited and I guess
credible because you could tell like it
was, you know, the highest level
principles were the sources for the
story. However authorized they were to
frame it the way they did, I don't know
exactly, but the way I read it, and I
should probably reread the thing, too.
But the way I read it was sort of like
in two pieces, right? The first part is
Netanyahu came and blew all this smoke
about how it's going to be like a magic
wish. is going to be so easy and fun and
great. And then when he left the room,
everybody said, "No, actually, sir, he's
really embellishing about how easy it'll
be. It won't be that easy to change the
regime." But then they did go ahead and
reassure him that with military power,
we can severely set them back in terms
of their missile force and in other
ways. And so
um he seemed to the way the story read
to me treated was that he was launching
the war not really on Netanyahu's
promises but on General Ka's that look
we will be able to degrade their missile
force to a substantial enough degree
that you might even think worth it to
get started even at the risk of them
retaliating uh back. and they sort of
let him feel like it was okay to do that
on a military basis had Seth been king.
>> Look, I I think something that needs to
be remembered is that
>> but he
did say in his when he launched the war,
he announced that like now is your
chance Iranian people to rise up and all
that. So you could tell there was still
a bit of that in there.
Yeah. Yeah. Because look look
the way the military tends to operate is
that if the president says hey I want to
do this the military has to come up with
plans. Okay this is how you can do it
and these are the resources you need.
Very rarely do they say sir this cannot
be done.
>> Yeah.
>> Right. Well, when he army of the joint
chiefs of staff job though, by the way,
for people who don't know, I I know you
know this, but he's actually not even in
the chain of command. He is not under
the secretary of defense. The secretary
talks straight to the chiefs. He is the
military advisor to the president more
than any other thing. It's his job to
say, "Sir, this really isn't realistic
unless you're really willing to pay this
price." and and and I don't even
remember what's in the New York Times
story on that, but people I spoke to
throughout this entire period were often
times saying it's not just him, but many
others who are very very skeptical and
are not expressing their skepticism
as strongly as they want to and as they
should and as they probably could out of
fear for a variety of things. Others who
had fell out with Trump and were no
longer at the table. There were several
people who were very much part of the
conversation in June and in May of last
year, but because of their opposition to
the war and because Trump thinks that
that war was an amazingly successful
war, he's not even considering their
opinions any longer despite the fact
that they should be at the table given
their titles.
This then creates that type of a
scenario in which people just don't
contradict the president when they see
that he really wants to go in certain
direction and he had really been
convinced by the Israelis to go in that
direction. And the push back ended up
just being too polite, too soft. One of
the things that kept on happening is
that the Pentagon kept on saying, "Well,
if you want to do this, you're going to
need another aircraft carrier and you're
going to need more of this and more of
that." And I'm sure you remember in
January there was this like this
constant reporting that actually there's
a decision to send even more stuff. Part
of that is to convince him it's not a
good idea to do it.
>> Right? But it's just not a very
effective way of doing it with someone
like Trump. Other presidents probably
wouldn't understood that. Okay, they're
they're telling me this because they're
trying to tell me don't do it.
>> Right. It's tough, man. You know, I
don't know exactly how it went down. And
I'm sure you remember this story by Joe
Klein and Time magazine about the chiefs
took, not just the chairman, but they
all kind of took Bush to the tank in the
basement of the Pentagon in this skiff
and they said, "Look, we'll do Iraq.
We'll do the surge this January07. We'll
do the surge, but please don't make us
do Iran. We do not want to do Iran
because yes, ultimately we can defeat
them, but they can hit back and we will
not as they said that we won't have
escalation dominance. we won't be able
to choose every stage of the war. They
will also be punching us in the mouth
the whole time, too. And so, that's why
we want to not go. We've got all our
troops in Iraq embedded with Shiite
forces, by the way, um, and at risk. And
we've got bases all up and down the Gulf
and a bazillion dollars worth of
economic targets. And Iran can reach out
and touch all of them. And so, yeah,
>> yes, we could. We're the superpower and
they are not. But can they defend
themselves in a effective way that makes
the cost for us way too high? Yeah, they
can. And that's why we don't want to.
And Bush said, "Okay, boys, forget it."
Then that was it. And and
that spring trying to pressure him into
changing his mind, but his mind was made
up in January that the military says,
"Forget it." So, forget it.
>> Exactly. Exactly. And I think the sugar
high of Venezuela made Trump even less
receptive to any arguments that there's
something the US military cannot
achieve.
>> Right?
>> The riots, the protests
further intensified a belief in his mind
that wow, this regime is really about to
fall. If you remember in December when
the protest first began, they were very
small. But already back then, the
narrative in the western media was, "Oh
my god, is this regime going to fall?" I
remember talking to one guy in Tehran. I
was asking him like, "Okay, how
widespread are they protests?" And this
is, you know, the first two or three
days of the protest. And he said, "I
drove around Tehran all day yesterday. I
couldn't find them." Now later on,
January 8th, they became massive. But
the narrative that the regime was on the
brink of falling started on December
29th
>> long before the protests actually were
that large.
>> It's such an important
>> and and again it just and and I don't
think that was uh coincidental by the
way. I think this were things that in
which certain interests are pushing a
specific narrative and they were doing
it partly and I actually wrote about it
at the time. They're trying to convince
Trump that this is going to be so easy.
So they're overstating what actually is
happening in Iran.
>> Right. So that's such a crucial point,
right? Because the main propaganda about
that is look how horrible they are that
they would kill so many people and
everyone they killed were all peaceful
protesters. As Trump said the other day,
they killed 45,000 entirely innocent
peaceful protesters. And the thing is
about that is obviously the main point
is to drive outrage among the public
that oh my god these guys are so evil.
Can we continue to allow them to rule
Thyron? It would be the way that they
get to phrase it. But then the real
point is like you were pointing out
there is that this convinced Trump that
they had to kill 45,000
people in order to apparently convince
the other I don't know half a million to
go home. Otherwise, they would have been
overthrown right then. And obviously
this proves that they cling to power
only through violent force and they have
no popular support at all. And in fact I
saw um when Joe Kent did this interview
on Newsmax which is you know boomer
right-wing uh you know Fox pro-war
mongery Zionist kind of thing. And the
Joe Kent said to the guy, "Listen, when
you bomb a country, you drive up support
for the government people. It's called
the rally around the flag effect, and
that's what's happening in Iran now."
And the interviewer quite sincerely
treated
he thought
said to Joe Kent that's not the case
here though because we saw in January
they had to kill 40 50,000 people just
to be able to cling on to power and that
proves that no one in Iran supports them
at all. No matter how many regime
targets we bomb. that's never going to
increase support for people who are
essentially just captives of whatever
this alien force that is their
government. and he totally believed what
he was saying there that the protest
proved never mind popular sovereignty
they had no popular support whatsoever
because they had to kill that many
people which by the way was like half as
many people were slaughtered by Israel's
merciless genocidal campaign in Gaza
over two years right but whatever you're
supposed to just believe that happened
in two days even though we did not see a
Dresden style firestorm anywhere in
Tyrron.
>> Yeah. No, look, um I think
that whole thing again was part of, you
know, the normalization, the
manufacturing of consent in favor of the
war. And what's fascinating is that it
really didn't work outside of the media
class and the blob because the
population in the United States was
still overwhelmingly against this war.
Now, he had his own base, but his own
base doesn't pay attention to these
issues. They just pay attention to what
he says, and they tend to trust him and
they believe him. But this really
reminded me of what happened in 2003
because back then as well, the
mainstream media was parading Iraqi
Americans on TV begging for their
country of birth to be bomb. And now
suddenly the same thing happened here.
What was fascinating was that there was
a campaign going on for about four years
prior to this that started which was
aimed at discrediting all
Iranian-American voices that opposed war
or oppose sanctions so that they were
out of the scene. So by the time this
war started they would be able to fill
the airwaves just with these people who
are saying please bomb us, please bomb
us or the Iranian people will cry if you
don't bomb them. and and and they
succeeded again in in in doing that and
and dominating the airwaves for the
first two weeks, but it collapsed very
quickly because it became clear that
this is not only not a good war, is a
disaster, but also it really wasn't
supported not even by the
Iranian-American community, but by also
inside the country at all. That level of
support never existed. It was one of
these other things that was done to give
the impression that this is a good moral
war. It's the moral thing. remember some
of these voices said on TV, "Oh, this is
not a war. This is a rescue mission."
I mean, these type of things that were
being used to convince the American
public. I'm actually very uh impressed
to see that the American public never
fell for it. I mean, in the beginning of
the war, roughly 70% 75% were against it
and and then those numbers have just
gone up. So it's very different from
Iraq in which of course it was like a
hero propaganda that started before the
beginning of the war but by the time the
war started 79% of the American public
were in favor of the war. I think the
American public has become much more
savvy. There's also another aspect of it
that is very important. Voices like
yourself and others because of the
emergence of the alternative media has
made it much much more easy for
Americans to get an diverse perspective
on these things and not just fall for
the single unitary voice that comes out
of most of the mainstream media.
>> Yeah. I mean the polls show that there's
the Fox News watchers versus the rest of
the population essentially on this,
right?
>> Yeah. Absolutely. And and even there I
think if Trump had gone on with this war
for another week, he would have lost a
Fox News voters, not all of them, but a
big portion of them as well because it
was really going towards a disastrous
situation.
>> Yeah.
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but what about the great Satan, Benjamin
Netanyahu? I mean, he can just do
whatever the hell he wants here, man. I
mean, as we're recording this, they just
announced a ceasefire in Lebanon, which
makes me suspect that Netanyahu will
drop an atom bomb on them tomorrow. I
don't know.
>> Well, the Israelis intensified the
bombing today and Hezbollah responded as
a result of the ceasefire because it's
not coming into effect yet. But uh it
will be interesting to see if this
actually is
um a response, a a preliminary effort to
actually secure a final deal with
Iranians
because the Iranians are going to insist
on Lebanon and actually Gaza to be
included in this.
>> Yes. Because if I particularly for
Lebanon, it's very hard for them.
There's already a narrative that Iran
betrayed Lebanon in 2024
and the Iranians want to be very careful
so they don't do anything that
reinforces that narrative. There's also
the realization that if the war
continues in Lebanon, it will eventually
spill over into Iran as it has already
done twice. But most importantly, and
this goes back to what we started off
talking about, I think from the Iranian
side, they look at this as
this is a test for the United States. Is
the United States capable and willing to
reign in Israel? Because if the United
States is not capable or unwilling
to re in Israel and Israel can restart
these wars and the Israelis can drag the
US into these wars, what's the point of
an agreement with the United States if
the United States is not the decision
maker, right? Why make a deal with the
US if the decision maker is sitting
somewhere else? You either continue the
war or you make a deal with that
decision maker. So I think from the
Iranian perspective, they're insisting
on this really strongly
because it will be a reflection as to
whether the rest of the agreement is
worth the paper is written on.
>> Yeah. Well,
you know, it seems just as likely,
doesn't it, that the agreement would be
between the Lebanese government, every
faction but Hezbollah, or at least the
most important factions with the
Israelis to let Israel keep bombing
Hezbollah, just not other parts of
Lebanon, something like that, because
they're not even included in the talks.
And they probably don't want to quit
fighting either until they've taught
Israel a lesson the same way that the
Iranians apparently succeeded in
teaching America one here.
I think um if the outcome is one in
which through the pressure of the
Iranians there is a ceasefire in all of
Lebanon,
uh Hezbollah will see that as a
significant victory because it will
essentially mean the disarmament of
Hezbollah is not possible by the
Israelis
and it's certainly not possible by the
Lebanese government. The Lebanese
government
is essentially propped up by the US in
order for it to be strong enough to take
on Hezbollah not strong enough to deter
Israel.
>> Mhm.
>> But the Lebanese clearly have chosen
that between getting bombed by Israel or
going towards a civil war, they prefer
to get bombed by Israel. That doesn't
mean that they don't want to disarm
Hezbollah, but it's not about disarming
Hezbollah. It's about integrating
Hezbollah
uh into a larger Lebanese system which
has to be done by the Lebanese on
Lebanon's terms on Lebanon's time frame,
not on Israel or the United States's
time frame.
>> Mhm.
>> And if this ends up becoming a ceasefire
that also includes them, I think they
believe that they're much closer towards
reaching that goal and it will be a
strategic defeat for the Israelis.
And this is part of the reason I'm
saying it's bad enough for Israel if
there is a peace. It's terrible for them
if there is sanctions relief.
So, I think they will do everything they
can in their power to sabotage that
>> and I'm not sure or confident of how
effective Trump will be in standing up
against that. Now, if he has a really
good deal on on the table and he can be
historic figure that actually gets a
deal to resolve this issue, he may be
able to erase the memory of the
stupidity of starting the war in the
first place.
>> Yeah. Will he say no to that in order to
avoid a conflict with Netanyahu? Remains
to be seen.
>> Yeah. Interesting. So, you know what's
funny, man, is
no one is saying as part of this that
Iran has to cut off all support for
Hamas in the West Bank. I mean, pardon
me, in the Gaza Strip. Um, no one is
pretending this week for whatever
reasons, I guess, because trying to end
this war is too serious. So, they're not
going to sit here and pretend that Hamas
is the same level of proxy as Hezbala.
And and Iran is not demanding that
Israel ceasefire against Hamas, even
though they have an official ceasefire.
Israel bombs Gaza almost every day. They
kill, you know, maybe a dozen people a
day instead of 120 a day like it was
before the so-called ceasefire. But it
doesn't seem like the Iranians are
sticking their neck out for the
Palestinians here at all, right? And
demanding a real end to that as part of
this deal.
I mean, I I think if the Iranians could
from their standpoint, that would be a
feather in their cap. If they could make
sure that this also ends their campaign
in Gaza.
But the Iranians have a very different
relationship with Hezbollah than they do
with Hamas.
>> And so I think they have a much stronger
um commitment to Hezbollah than they
have to Hamas and to Gaza.
And I can see that within their own
base, I'm not talking about the Iranian
population as a whole, but within the
base of support for the Islamic Republic
inside of Iran, which I think is
probably around 15 to 20%. It's still
about 18 million people. Um,
giving up on Hezbollah is probably a red
line. I am not so sure if it is a red
line on Gaza, particularly if they have
an otherwise very attractive deal in
front of them.
Yeah. Well, and after all, Hezbala
jumped into this fight on Iran's side by
launching these missile salvos and
whatever.
>> Exactly. Exactly. Whereas Hamas started
the attacks on October 7th against
Iran's u uh wishes and uh
recommendation.
>> Okay, I got tell me more about that
because you know I just heard what I
knew were false claims to the contrary
the other day. Um, and I I I just argue
that well, look, obviously Iran and
Hezbala and the Houthies could have all
attacked at the same time if they'd been
ready and that didn't happen. But you
obviously more about it, so please do.
>> Yeah. No, I mean there's intelligence
that has been revealed that showed that
the
>> Hamas tried to convince the Iranians
that this was a good idea. They didn't
reveal all the details or the date or
anything like that, but the Iranians
were not ready. I mean, the Iranians
have their own issues to deal with. Same
thing with Hezbollah. So they never
really uh joined in, never supported it.
And once it happened, it was kind of
like Hamas was trying to force their
hands. And you saw that both Hezbollah
and Iran, well, I mean, Hezbollah did
start some low-level attacks to kind of
keep the Israelis engaged in the north
so they wouldn't turn all of their
efforts against Gaza, but it was nothing
compared to what a real war would be. Of
course, there's always been this ladder
of uh acceptable escalation, if one can
call it that, between Israel and and and
Hezbollah. The Iranians didn't join in
at all and and you know, push very hard
for a ceasefire from the outset.
So, if this actually was coordinated, if
this was something they were in on, the
golden opportunity would have been to
attack immediately after October 7th
when the Israelis were in complete
disray. And the Iranians and his blood
did absolutely not do that. Right.
>> So, I think that in of itself tells you
what's going on.
>> Yeah. In fact, that reminds me. There
was a Wall Street Journal story where
the CIA was saying that they did not
believe that Iran told Hamas to do it or
had ordered the
>> There was a Wall Street Journal story
that said that they were and it was so
badly sourced. It was an embarrassment.
>> Okay.
>> Yeah. And said that, you know, all of it
was actually planned, if I'm not
mistaken, in Beirut. It was like it was
just so
um it was just so ludicrous. It actually
got a tremendous amount of push back.
And they said, "I'm so sorry. I got to
run right now.
>> Yeah. And they saw the Iraqis give
Muhammad Ata a flask full of anthrax
there, too.
>> Yeah. Exactly. Exactly.
>> All right. Hey, man. Thanks for talking
to Really appreciate you, man.
>> Thanks so much. Appreciate it. Talk to
you soon.
>> That is Treat Parsy. He's at the Quincy
Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
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